The Mays Family: Abraham Ashe

THE WELLSPRING.

By following the middle name of my late maternal grandfather down a genealogical rabbit hole, that of antebellum and postbellum African American naming conventions as a way to remember one’s roots, I recently discovered the identity of the English immigrant enslaver of my great-great grandfather Jim Mays (1847 – 1910) of Greenville, South Carolina. Tracing my roots to the hilly upcountry in the O’neal District, after which my grandfather was named, led to new insights that finally revealed the identities of his mother Mariah Few and her mother Sylvia Few, descendants of African slaves and William Few, a founding father and signer of the Declaration of Independence. I also learned that James Mays, the migrant from Surrey, England who arrived in the Americas as a sailor at the advent of the 19th century became a grocer, tavern owner, and planter, and first began purchasing enslaved people in the city of Charleston with an intriguing man named Abraham Ashe in 1807. Ashe’s free labor established Mays’ “American dream.”

Slave auction block on the curb in Charleston, South Carolina. Photo by author.

New evidence reveals Abraham Ashe was born enslaved in Haiti about 1772, that he became a free man of color in South Carolina, a husband and father several times over, and the owner of several properties in Charleston until his death in 1842. Abraham was my 5x maternal grandfather. Abraham’s 18th century descendants are found enslaved in records in both Greenville and Charleston, and free before Emancipation in Philadelphia and New York. My research uncovers a dramatic turning point in my family history; when Abraham Ashe’s last enslaver James Mays left Charleston about 1825, Mays took two slaves, Abraham’s first family away to Greenville, leaving Abraham behind.

Abraham Ashe had many lives, in the West Indies and America, as a slave and free person of color, that spanned the Haitian revolution, War of 1812, Denmark Vesey’s slave revolt, the establishment of an abolitionist African Methodist church, all while navigating the rise of a precarious class of an African-descended elite in Charleston. Most astoundingly, he would use the institution to his gain, to secure his family. The same institution would threaten his family’s existence. His constantly evolving life, well-documented by virtue of being at the epicenter of the American slave trade, is an example of the diaspora wherein Charleston could be regarded as an extension of the West Indies, and the contradictions of being instrumental to white wealth played out in contracts and financial agreements that managed the lives of those around him, free and enslaved.

Abraham’s children lived on in three lines. One line lived as free people of color and nominal slaves in the hustle and bustle of one of the wealthiest port cities in America at the time. Another line, self-liberated, were industrious migrants in Free states, while the other quietly toiled enslaved in South Carolina’s “dark corner” near Greenville until the Civil War. Until now, no one living knew of Abraham Ashe’s existence or his remarkable legacy except his contemporaries.

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A CERTAIN NEGRO MAN.

After an early career as a sailor, the white Englishman James Mays, settled in Charleston, South Carolina in about 1804 then naturalized to become an American citizen in 1807. Just under 30 years had passed since the war of independence. Charleston was the busiest and wealthiest port in the Americas, a center of international trade with Europe and the many island nations and colonies of the West Indies. In fact, Charleston was founded by early colonial planters of France and Spain from Bermuda, but eventually fell into British hands. During the Revolutionary War, the British blockaded and invaded Charleston, securing the strategic port city for Loyalists, including formerly enslaved who fought for freedom. After two years of occupation, the Continental Army forced the British out. The fall was marked by a mass evacuation of over 4,000 loyalists whose properties were seized, and over 5,000 blacks who left with them, now free people of color. Reports state that approximately 14,000 people evacuated aboard approximately 130 Royal Navy vessels. When James Mays arrived, records show he quickly naturalized, completing his oath to show loyalty to his new country. He quickly set up shop at 3 Tradd Street in the heart of the city according to the city directory.

At the age of 26 in August 1807, James Mays purchased a “certain negro man slave” named Abraham from the wealthy white widow Elizabeth Ashe for $600. The bill of sale confirmed Mays was the same “grocer” appearing in the 1805 and 1806 city directory, and was witnessed by Elizabeth’s son from her first marriage Daniel Legare.

Bill of Sale, 1807. Elizabeth Ashe to James Mays, a certain negro man, Abraham.

Presumably, Abraham, who took the surname “Ashe” after his last enslaver, labored for about three years for Mays. Abraham managed to gain his freedom by about 1810. We know this because he does not appear listed in James Mays’ household on the 1810 census in the column marked “slave” and not long after Abraham creates a new status appearing in financial records in Charleston archives. I surmise Abraham likely continued to work for the grocer or hired himself out in the city. He was probably freed by “private manumission” – a method by which an enslaver like Mays could grant freedom to a slave without going through the courts. This method was later outlawed by the South Carolina legislature. In 1819 James Mays, now 38, married 26 year old Elizabeth Bouchonneau also of Charleston. Elizabeth brought into the Mays household her sister Ann Felicity (19), and the enslaved girl, Cretia, whom the sisters shared equally. Cretia’s only mention in the records by name was in a bequest of Sarah Bouchonneau to her daughters Ann and Elizabeth. Cretia appears in the Mays household on the 1820 census (unnamed) as an enslaved woman between 14 and 25 years old. Also in the household is an enslaved girl under 14, probably Cretia’s infant daughter.

“I give and bequeath to my two daughters, Elizabeth and Felicity Ann Bouchonneau my negro girl (Cretia)…and it is my wish that the said Negro girl be hired out and that the Product of her wages Divided equal among my two daughters.” – Will of Sarah Hutchinson Bouchonneau, 1811

The Bouchonneau family were led by Charles Bouchonneau (1747 – 1803), a Frenchman who is first found in the 1790 census working as a scrivener on Meeting Street. Bouchonneau was a Huguenot refugee; the Bouchonneau are found in a Huguenot settlement among the records of Hillsborough in “New Bordeaux” as early as 1765 in Colonial South Carolina. The town of French refugees was abandoned after 1770. When Charles Bouchonneau died in 1803 he left Sampson, an enslaved man to be hired out and a boy, Jack, to be apprenticed to his son Isaac. Charles’ daughters were quite young when he passed and then inherited Cretia when their mother died a few years later.

The Mays household held two dower slaves when in 1820, the legislature passed a law forbidding the emancipation of slaves within the state except by an act of law; even a single emancipation effectively required a bill. This law was in response to the growing number of Free People of Color (FPOC) in South Carolina and the fears by whites of an uprising. These free blacks were several generations old, emancipated by private or public manumission, or born free, and they lived and worked alongside thousands of enslaved blacks who were hired out to use various skilled trades. Their labor was to produce wealth for their owners in the city or on large rice plantations in the surrounding wetlands or in building homes, furnitures, dress and boot-making. Free and enslaved even worked closely on the many ships taking port in the city.

The City of Charleston, 1855. May by J.H. Colton & Co.

The South Carolina General Assembly’s ban was in response to the growing power of FPOC who were openly expressing their desires against inequitable laws like the capitation tax by using petitions and their organizing power gained in various fraternal societies and churches. In 1820, a group of free negros and persons of color wrote a petition asking that they not be charged capitation tax because they already paid taxes on property they owned. They were being double-taxed. Free people of color had certain freedoms guaranteed under the state’s Bill of Rights, which included the freedom to petition, but it did not include suffrage (the right to vote). Their pleas to be taxed less went unanswered, largely because the city needed the money and whites were right to fear an uprising.

In 1822, while Abraham Ashe and James Mays plied their trades a plot was discovered amongst the enslaved people of Charleston and surrounding plantations, led by a wealthy carpenter and influential free man of color named Denmark Vesey.  Born a slave in St. Thomas, Denmark was traded in Haiti twice and then back to his original enslaver Captain Joseph Vesey who took him back to Charleston. Originally known as Telemaque, Denmark was educated and well-respected in his community. He became famous when he won a $1500 lottery in 1779, a sum significant enough to purchase his freedom of Capt. Vesey’s wife and start a carpentry business. He became a leader in the African Methodist church (A.M.E.) and when frustrated by his inability to purchase his wife and children out of slavery began to work with enslaved leaders and other FPOC to devise a plot to destroy the institution of slavery in South Carolina. 

Modeled on the Haitian revolt which had previously transfixed the slave south and transformed the West Indies between 1790 and 1805, the conspirators even wrote two letters to the black President of Haiti inviting their support. It was one of the largest planned slave uprisings in American history and was supposed to liberate thousands of participants. Denmark was betrayed more than once by loyal slaves; over 130 FPOC and dozens of conspirators were arrested and tried in show-trials. In the end, 34 men were hanged including Vesey, dozens more were banished outside of the state, sold into slavery. Both slaves and FPOC who rioted at the hangings were brutalized. The A.M.E. church that Vesey worshipped at was closed, raised to the ground, and the city approved a 150 strong militia to be housed at “the Citadel” just outside the city on Boundary street, not coincidentally in the heart of a free black neighborhood known as “Charleston’s Neck.” This uprising in the Summer of 1822 shifted the legislature’s mindset completely about the community of free people of color in Charleston.

There were many dire consequences for black institutions and people. The General Assembly passed an act prohibiting free blacks from returning to the state if they left it, effectively quarantining FPOC. Also, every free man of color over the age of fifteen had to get a white “guardian” who was to appear before the county court to attest to the free man’s good character and accept guardianship. I have found no records for whom Abraham Ashe’s guardian might have been – the South Carolina Archives does not have them for Charleston County, but there are clues in his later life as we’ll see.

Sometime between 1827 and 1830, perhaps mortified and inspired by the Denmark Vesey affair, or desirous to escape the hot humid swampy atmosphere in the low country, James Mays decided to relocate his family inland to the mountains in the O’Neal district north of Greenville township in South Carolina. This area was known as “the dark corner” because of its remoteness, and the law of the land was white supremacy. Though he retained his grocery in Charleston for several years. He may have been interested in distilling according to records. Using the profits from his grocery, which likely also included a tavern (notices in the newspaper invited James to reapply for a liquor license), James took his wife, sister-in-law, and his enslaved people with him, including Cretia and her daughter. Mays was 46. Abraham, a free man of color, age 55, was left behind. He may have continued to work the tavern for Mays or hire himself out, his profession wasn’t entirely clear, but Mays abandonment of Charleston would cost Abraham dearly.

ABRAHAM, CRETIA, AND ANN.

A genetic revelation leads me to believe that Abraham Ashe and Cretia Bouchonneau became partners, and had a child between 1819 and 1820, probably the same enslaved girl listed in the 1820 census in the household of James Mays and his wife Elizabeth Bouchonneau. Though Abraham Ashe gained his freedom from James Mays in 1807, he remained very close to James, he likely continued to work for him at the grocery and tavern at 3 Tradd Street for many years, and yet after the terror of the Vesey affair, he could not prevent his own enslaved family from being taken away when the Mays left Charleston. After more than a dozen years of acquaintance, this must have been seen as a terrible betrayal. As we’ll see, though Abraham raised money for other transactions, including purchasing enslaved people himself, James Mays and Elizabeth Bouchonneau-Mays were not willing to leave Cretia and her daughter behind with Abraham.

The author outside 3 Tradd Street in Charleston, the grocery and tavern of James Mays between 1805 and 1830 where Abraham Ashe and Cretia Bochonneau labored for enslaver James Mays.

Recently, as I explored my Ancestry DNA matches of black descendants with roots in antebellum Charleston, I discovered a few cousins whose line stretches back to a postbellum black family with the same surname “Ashe”. This family were free people of color with connections to Col. John S. Ashe’s plantations just outside the city in St. Paul’s Parish. The head of household of the Ashe family in 1870 was a black sloop captain named Jacob Ashe from Toogoodoo Creek on Edisto Island. Was our common ancestor Abraham Ashe? The fact that these DNA match cousins are also related to several other known descendants of the enslaved woman Mariah Few of Greenville, Jim Mays’ mother, seems to indicate so.

The relocation of the grocer turned planter James Mays and his family to Greenville marked a tragic but seemingly inevitable split between Abraham Ashe and the Mays family exposing one of the worst consequences of American chattel slavery, the destruction of stable family relationships and interior lives of people of African descent. Despite the nominal freedom they could achieve, their lives and labor were truly not theirs to command, whether free or enslaved. Enslaved people had no right to resist; as chattel property they could be bought, sold, transported at will tearing apart mothers from children, husbands from wives, fathers from daughters. Neither the family bonds of enslaved or FPOC were recognized under South Carolinian law, only the whim of the master. Though blacks pursued workarounds – in 1815 free black Methodists were discovered pooling their money to buy enslaved congregants – there was never a guarantee that an enslaver would make a deal.

Just north of Greenville in the O’neal District, James Mays and his family were prospering by 1830, largely because he held 10 people in bondage working fields and mills to produce distilled alcohol for sale in Charleston. The Mays were members of Milford Baptist Church, including several of his enslaved. Among several names of James May’s enslaved people I documented there is a woman named Ann. In 1833, Ann was first mentioned in the Milford Baptist Church minutes notably for not receiving a baptism; she would have been about 27 years old. Richard, one of Mays enslaved, was received so perhaps Ann was not baptised because there was something disagreeable about her character, a critical judgement baptists observed. Baptist churches were strict about their laws for white and black members, for both enslaver and enslaved. In fact, just a few years later in 1837, the minutes show that Julius, another enslaved man of James Mays was actually excommunicated from Milford Baptist Church for adultery, which is unusual given his slave status. Perhaps Julius was married to Ann or even Cretia – from later records, I learned Julius’s estimated birth date was about 1805 and Cretia would likely be close in age. So what could have disqualified Ann?

Prior genetic genealogy research on my black Mays line of Greenville revealed that I was descended from an enslaved woman on the Mays plantation who was raped by a neighboring planter and enslaver named Hardy Jones Gilreath producing a mixed-race child. Despite having his own white wife, Gilreath was a serial rapist of several slaves he owned and apparently that included slaves of his O’neal District neighbor James Mays. It was well known then and in the present that Gilreath fathered several mulatto children. However, my research has recently added among those children my unidentified 3x great grandfather who with Mariah Few fathered my great-great grandfather Jim Mays named for his family’s enslaver, the Englishman James Mays. I now believe Hardy’s victim was none other than Ann, and that she was the daughter of Cretia and Abraham, perhaps named for Felicity Ann Bouchonneau. This may explain my genetic connections to other Ashe family descendants. If Ann Ashe was Jim’s grandmother, then Cretia and Abraham would be my 5th great grandparents. This lines up with the presence of a predicted 5th generation shared ancestor with my DNA match cousins who also descend from a line of black Ashe family members from Charleston.

Sadly, James Mays plantation book and records did not survive. The Milford Baptist Church minutes are the only records naming Mays enslaved in Greenville between 1833 and 1865 when he passed away. Much of my work has been to reconstruct my Mays family through genetic evidence between the records. Cretia Bouchonneau-Ashe and Ann Ashe probably died before Emancipation. I feel fortunate that the Mays took their enslaved to the church, and that the recorder of minutes thought to include them, otherwise there would be no extant material about them other than Sarah’s 1811 will to illuminate their lives. Cretia’s daughter Ann was the property of James Mays because slavery was matrilineal. If Cretia survived, she is not mentioned in the church minutes at Milford, but on the 1830 slave schedule of James Mays are two enslaved women over the age of 35. I imagine they are mother and daughter, Cretia and Ann. Unfortunately, I have no further information about Ann’s life or even the name of her unidentified mulatto son with her enslaver’s neighbor, only genetic echos. I have now enlisted the help of another descendant of Hardy Jones Gilreath who has researched his mulatto Gilreath ancestor for many years to help find the identity of Ann Ashe’s son. The search goes on.

I can only imagine the agony Abraham and Cretia must have felt upon realizing James Mays was planning to move his family and separate theirs. But what happened to Abraham Ashe? As a free person of color, could Abraham have moved to Greenville to live near his enslaved family? Did he even try to purchase his Cretia and Ann away from Mays? Or was he forced to abandon Cretia and start over? What life did he live as a free man of color in Charleston after the Mays removed to Greenville? I wanted to know the complete story of my 5th great grandfather, and whether his legacy lived on.

A FREE MAN OF COLOR IN CHARLESTON.

Not long after the English immigrant James Mays left his sailing days behind and opened a store in downtown Charleston on Tradd Street, he purchased a slave named Abraham Ashe (1772 -1842) from a wealthy elite Charlestonian, the widow Elizabeth Ashe nee’ Daniel (1739 – 1820). It’s unclear if there was any relationship between James and the Ashe clan or if James simply purchased Abraham on an anonymous auction block – Charleston’s streets had several, and to sell a slave was an ordinary affair, like purchasing a horse. The widow Ashe was in her late 60s and controlled a vast collection of plantations including prime property in Charleston, and of course, dozens of enslaved, from domestic to field workers, gained through two prominent marriages.

Elizabeth Daniel first married the planter Nathan Legare (1739 – 1782) of Charleston County in 1774. It was Legare’s second marriage – he was first married to Mary Barksdale (1743 – 1769). At about the same time, South Carolina picked its delegates to the first Continental Congress. By 1770, Charleston was the largest city in the southern colonies, driven by South Carolina’s plantation economy. It was the center of the Atlantic slave trade, with slaves making up about half the population. Charleston processed around 40% of African slaves brought to North America. Its wealth made it a target for piracy and competition from French and Spanish forces. During the American Revolutionary War, General Sir Henry Clinton’s Philipsburg Proclamation encouraged enslaved people to escape and join the British Army. Nearly 25,000 enslaved individuals in South Carolina fled, migrated, or died—around 30% of the enslaved population of the state. After the British captured Charleston in 1780, black Loyalists formed regiments to defend the city. When the British retreated in 1782, over 5,000 black individuals left with them. While many remained enslaved under Loyalist ownership, some secured freedom by escaping to British lines and resettled in Canada, the Caribbean, or Sierra Leone.

Charleston Street, circa 1865. Source. Charleston County Public Library.

After Nathan’s death, Elizabeth Legare, now 44, married her cousin in 1783, the Hon. Capt. John Ashe Jr. (1742 – 1800). The captain was a lawyer and the elder son of Major General John Baptiste Ashe of New Hanover, North Carolina who was infamous for destroying a British garrison at Fort Johnston near Wilmington during the Revolution. Captain Ashe and Elizabeth Ashe lived at 12 Lamboll Street close to the Battery in Charleston.

“Married: On Thursday, the 23d ult., in Christ Church Parish, near this city, the Hon. John Ashe, Esq., elder son of the late Major-General Ashe, of North Carolina, to Mrs. Elizabeth Legare, relict of Mr. Nathan Legare, a lady possessed of every amiable qualification that can render the marriage state happy.” (Thursday, November 13, 1783.)

Capt. Ashe died before 1800 making Elizabeth a widow for a second time. When Elizabeth Ashe died herself in 1821 she willed her Lamboll street home and outhouses, along with her enslaved, to be sold to benefit her two daughters from her first marriage. The estate sale further advertised “24 Prime Country-Born Negros” and several house servants. The executors of the estate of Elizabeth Ashe sold three sets of slaves in June 1821 no doubt breaking up several families. 

While it’s not known how exactly Abraham Ashe purchased his freedom from James Mays, or whether he was manumitted privately, he became a free person of color between 1807-1810 and remained in the city of Charleston, likely in the employ of James Mays. We know now that he likely had a daughter with the enslaved woman Cretia, named Ann, but when the Mays left for Greenville, Abraham remained behind. 

Tracking him through census records, court records, bills of sale, land deeds, I learned that there was more than meets the eye to Abraham Ashe. Perhaps in his long service to Capt. Ashe and Elizabeth Ashe, he became educated and shrewd. Documents suggest he was born in Haiti, so we know he spoke French and English. Many of the enslaved who were refugees with their white plantation owners from Haiti to Charleston were educated, some were their mulatto children. Abraham may have been able to read and write; he signed his own name to several contracts. Throughout his life, he would do business with some of Charleston’s most established families and held status among the community of free people of color. His signature contained a flourish that marked him as singular, a person with a certain self-identified status. The “A” is prominently featured between his first and surname. The serif signature with the sharply pointed downward crossbar expresses pride, understanding, and a certain amount of panache. It feels foreign yet familiar, like a choice and a promise. It is Abraham’s brand.

Abraham Ashe’s mark with the “A” on the 1811 complaint filed with the South Carolina Court of Equity. Ashe was educated, but may not have been literate.

Abraham Ashe doesn’t appear on the 1810 and 1820 census, but he is found in numerous financial and court records. After gaining his freedom, he would on three separate occasions purchase slaves himself between 1816 and 1835. That formerly enslaved people, or free people color would purchase slaves themselves is shocking. It would have been shocking to many self-liberated people at the time, to abolitionists in the North, even perhaps to whites from the interior slave states. For South Carolinians, who lived in an interdependent slave society however, this was not uncommon, especially among the small group of wealthier FPOC in Charleston who were often property owners and tradesmen. Sometimes free people of color purchased slaves for the domestic slave trade, domestic help, and sometimes they purchased family members to secure their freedom, making them nominal or slaves “in name only.” There were as many reasons as there were classes of people in antebellum Charleston.

Abraham appeared to purchase slaves at a very low rate with no evidence of trading indicating that some of his purchases may have been family members. I believe Abraham was likely hired out by Elizabeth Ashe and had some savings, because not long after he gained his freedom from James Mays, he began to purchase slaves. His first slave purchase was for an enslaved man named July for $50 on March 29, 1810 of Joseph Alexander. He even had his former master James Mays as witness to the purchase. The price for July would indicate a very elderly man, long past his prime making me wonder if July was a family member. The low price may have seemed a bargain, but in actuality, Abraham was swindled. 

Bill of Sale, 1810. Joseph Alexander to Abraham Ashe, “July” a negro man, witnessed by James Mays.

A few weeks later Abraham Ashe petitioned the Court of Equity in Charleston regarding July. Ashe claimed he purchased July and received a Bill of Sale, which was recorded on the same day. Records of the legal case explain Joseph Alexander was the bona fide purchaser unaware of any claims against the property. However, the local Sheriff seized July after the sale due to a mortgage claim held by another man, John Findley, which was linked to the estate of the Reverend Bishop Smith, the first President of the College of Charleston. When Rev. Smith died, he held enslaved more than 200 people, July among them. Ashe argued that the executors of Bishop Smith’s estate, and others, lost their claim to July due to their negligence. Abraham petitioned the court for an injunction to prevent the sale of the property until claims could be properly investigated. In a precise several page petition made by Ashe he argued the executors’ failure to initiate legal proceedings within four years forfeited their rights, thus protecting Alexander’s ownership. It is unclear if he won his petition. I find no further records suggesting July was ever returned to Abraham.

Ashe’s petition was a turning point document. Here was a former slave, with his former enslaver as witness, purchasing a slave, then defending an unlawful seizure of his property in a written petition signed by “Bay” solicitor for the complainant and sworn before “W. H. G.” (William Hassell Gibbs). “Bay” was likely Honorable Elihu Hall Bay (1754 – 1838) who later filled the office of the Associate Justice of the Court of General Sessions and Common Pleas. Judge Gibbs (1754 – 1834) studied in London and was one of thirty Americans in London that petitioned the King against acts of parliament which was one of the factors in the Revolution. When the war broke out, he escaped London through Bermuda and returned to Charleston. His father was part of the Secret Committee of 5 of the Council of Safety in Charleston at the beginning of the revolution – a group of Charleston elites who preserved government during the revolution. Gibbs was a Captain during the war and admitted to the bar in 1783 and remained head of Chancery until 1825. 

In 1816 Abraham struck out to purchase another enslaved man named Mick for $400 from James Gibson, a coachmaker and planter on nearby Goose Creek. The purchase price suggested Mick was in his prime and more likely to be hired out by Abraham, if he wasn’t also a family member. Records show James Gibson hired out an enslaved girl to the local orphanage in 1804. It was difficult and challenging to learn Abraham was participating in the slave trade clearly to benefit himself. Of course Abraham had his whole life seen people of color purchasing slaves in Haiti or in Charleston as a norm. How had Abraham raised the money? How did he deploy Mick? There are no ready and easy answers, but Mick may have also been permitted to hire himself out which would enable him to keep a portion of his wages. Blacks could not free enslaved people, if Mick had raised enough money, Abraham would have been prohibited from freeing him and Mick would be a nominal slave “in name only.” Since Mick doesn’t appear in Abraham’s probate in an inventory of property after his death, we can conclude Mick was either free, self-liberated, or dead by 1842.

A year later in 1817, Ashe had another transaction with the Honorable W.H. Gibbs. Ashe entered into a mortgage agreement with Gibbs when he was Master in Equity in Charleston, South Carolina. Ashe secured an $800 loan (with interest) using a Lot 18 on Boundary Street as collateral under a $1600 bond. If Ashe failed to repay, the Court had the right to take ownership of the property. The property was part of a large sale by the College of Charleston along Boundary Street. Abraham was identified as a “free person of color” on the bond agreement. Other FPOC made similar purchases of the college at this sale. This was a business transaction built on some level of trust in Ashe’s ability to payback the loan. Perhaps in his service to John Ashe, the lawyer, Abraham picked up an understanding that he had access to the Court to help materialize his plans. These records, petition, bill of sale, and mortgage bond demonstrate that Abraham was made familiar with his rights under the law, the opportunities he had as a free man of color (and the extent to which he could use them), and that he was willing to utilize and challenge Charleston’s systems to defend his limited rights. It shows tremendous agency that matched his mark.

On the 1830 census, Abraham Ashe is no doubt recorded as the free man of color between the ages 55 and 100 years old. A free man of color between 24 and 35 years also lives with him, and 3 boys under 10, along with free women between 24 and 35 and 55 – 99,  and two girls under 10. There are also 4 enslaved in the home, 2 women between 24 and 35, and 1 male between 10 and 23. It’s likely some were different family units, and boarding with Abraham. The household’s size and makeup was not uncommon for Charleston. Free people of color and enslaved mixed freely in the city. Slaves were often hired out from plantations, and living on their own in the city, sending wages back to their enslavers, renting rooms from local FPOC. Families might consist of both free and enslaved, and free people of color who owned property often boarded. It can be hard to distinguish families without further records.

Though I believe the enslaved woman Cretia Bouchanneau may have been his earliest identified partner, Abraham marred twice more later in life. The first documented wife was a woman named Clary. She is identified on a contract of indenture of a mulatto boy Sam in 1830. For $100 Abraham and Clary were both to have indenture “until the boy reaches 21 years of age.” This record shows Abraham’s intention to hire out to raise income, though for what labor is unclear.

Contract of indenture of “Sam” to Abraham Ashe and his first wife “Clary” witnessed by John B. Legare, 1830. The contract shows Abraham as actively dealing with the Legare family. Clary died shortly after.

Incidentally, another free woman of color known as Clara Ashe was head of the household that consisted of 20 other FPOC and one male slave between 10 and 23 years old as listed on the 1820 census. It is the same year Abraham Ashe is not listed on the census, though we know he is in the city and living at his property on Boundary street. On the 1850 census she is listed as 105 years old, born in Africa. Her last address was in the household of John Simons, another free man of color, and very likely her son-in-law. Simons may have been married to Clara’s daughter, Clarissa (1785 – 1833). Clarissa may be the same woman Col. John S. Ashe sold to William H. Gibbs in 1813 for 5 shillings, clearly an inside trade with other motives beyond the usual slave trading, a mistress or illegitimate child perhaps? According to records Clara Ashe died between 90 and 105 years old in 1853. Abraham’s wife Clary probably died before 1831 or 32.

On his third and last purchase of enslaved people in 1835, Abraham Ashe agreed to pay $400 for the enslaved woman Susannah and her three children; William, Clarissa, and Tyra all held in bond between Joseph Allen Smith and Thomas Middleton. Records eventually helped identify this grouping as being very special to Abraham.

In all his dealings, he became a property owner, an enslaver, he knew the law, why didn’t Abraham purchase Cretia and Ann? I think the answer is simple. James Mays and Elizabeth Bouchanneau wouldn’t sell them. Mays was not a large slaveholder and Cretia and Ann would have been instrumental to their household. The Bouchnanneau’s were French and Cretia probably also spoke the language. To Elizabeth and Felicity Ann, Cretia would have been their ultimate servant, as an appendage and servant to their needs, inseparable.

STATUS AND DEBT.

How did Abraham Ashe, this once enslaved person rise to the ranks among Charleston’s elite free people of color? In certain records, he signs his signature in full. In another, he uses a flourish with “A” in the center of his signature. Abraham was clearly educated, could possibly read and write, and was a shrewd negotiator who understood the law and how to use the courts. He was familiar with contracts and understood business. Was it a level of station gained as being formerly enslaved by the Ashe family that lent him his status? Was he perhaps a valet or assistant to the Hon. Capt. John Ashe Esquire? His familiarity with the law and financial agreements suggest Abraham may have learned a lot from his enslaver Capt. Ashe. He may have also had the guidance of the refugee community of free blacks from Haiti in Charleston, and the patronage of white Haitian refugees.

Historian Bernard Powers writes in Black Charlestonians, A Social History, 1822-1885, “Elite free persons of color formed a highly group conscious and exclusive segment within the larger free Afro-American population. They had an appreciation for Charlestons’ aristocratic traditions but this did not necessarily lead to a disavowal of racial pride or heritage. As an artisan-elite, they were imbued with the Protestant ethic and confidently embraced the idea of self-help as the vehicle for individual and group advancement.”

I’m not certain why Abraham Ashe doesn’t appear regularly on local capitation tax records, as required by all Charleston’s free people of color who annually paid $2 to the city. Digitized capitation records begin after 1840 and are incomplete. However, there is an example according to Powers where a free person of color was made exempt from taxation by the Mayor. Frustratingly, Abraham Ashe also does not appear in Charleston City Directories from 1816 – 1830, which included other FPOC and their occupation. Yet records show he became a property owner in Charleston by 1820. Did he hire himself out? Did he apprentice? I have yet to find his trade and occupation. The City of Charleston retains records of income statements of slave hires including self-hires from 1800 – 1865 that I have yet to explore.

In 1817, in a financial arrangement between Abraham Ashe and a white Charlestonian merchant and lawyer, William Hasell Gibbs, Ashe agreed to pay Gibbs a sum of $800 with interest, as stipulated in a bond. In case of default, Gibbs was granted the right to occupy and possess the property that Ashe mortgaged from the College of Charleston, two lots, 18 and 19 with a loan he secured from Ann Legare, the white daughter of his former enslaver Elizabeth Ashe. The agreement was signed and sealed on April 22, 1817. 

In short, Ashe made a mortgage bond and records show Ash paid principal and interest to Ann Legare from 1821 to 1827 annually. Gibbs and Ann’s brother Daniel Legare were witnesses. Ashe’s lots on Boundary street were next door to lots owned by the Brown Fellowship Society, a society for free people of color who identified as “mulattos” descendants of black and whites in Charleston. The Fellowship was the earliest known black fraternal group in Charleston dating to 1790. It had just 50 members who each paid $50 to join and had to go through 3 rounds of voting to be inducted. To avoid the scrutiny of whites, discussing politics was forbidden. The elite society included Jehu Jones, a well known minister and innkeeper whose hotel was frequented by whites and blacks; Richard Holloway was a FPOC from Maryland who settled in Charleston. Holloway was also part of a benevolent charitable society that operated schools for black orphans called the Minor’s Moralist Society in the Neck. Like Ashe, Holloway also purchased “college lands” when the College of Charleston sold some its land on Boundary Street in 1817.

As a free man of color who owned property that included the enslaved, Abraham Ashe held a high status among black Charlestonians. He clearly used his status when in 1818, he and over a dozen other Methodists of color petitioned for the creation of their own cemetery in the village of Wragg Borough, north of Boundary Street (date unknown). Brown Fellowship Society members Charles Corr, and Malcolm Brown, were fellow petitioners for the burial ground. Just before in 1816, the majority of black methodists in Charleston, numbering in the thousands, left the white segregated Methodist church in one fell swoop to establish their own independent African methodist church.

Abraham Ashe is among the petitioners -“Methodists” (free men of color) – to purchase two lots to use as a cemetery in Wraggs Borough north of Boundary Street, circa 1818.

They were no doubt influenced by the knowledge of the establishment of the African Methodist Episcopal Church in Philadelphia. Powerful “class leaders” white and black maintained strict attendance of Methodists and scholar John Saillant believed this level of surveillance on blacks, free and enslaved, maintained secular and spiritual power over blacks in Charleston. The same group formed an independent methodist church and it was their second petition to have their own burial ground that Abraham joined. The petition was also signed by Bishop Morris Brown. It passed in the House but failed in the Senate. According to Saillant, Brown was working in the city secretly to establish an outpost of the AME as well. Not coincidentally, Denmark Vesey became a homestyle class leader and preacher of radical liberation theology at this time at the African church. Charleston’s white leaders moved to break up this church in 1818 and arrested dozens of members.

Brown Fellowship Society Cemetery, Charleston.

Throughout his life, Abraham Ashe often had to deal with powerful white figures in Charleston society; they were elite whites who included planters, lawyers, traders, merchants, state representatives and judges. For example, he did business with Thomas Middleton III, of the same family behind Middleton Place, at which between 2,600 and 3,200 slaves labored from 1738 to 1865. James H. Ladson, a well-known attorney, was an executor and appeared twice in key roles in Abraham’s dealings suggesting a certain amount of patronage. Ladson was also a planter of cotton and rice and held over 200 enslaved people in his lifetime. Ladson famously used religious instruction to gain obedience from his enslaved. He was also a consul to the Danish and Director at the State Bank. Ladson was also a proponent of “States Rights” and served as the vice-president of the Great Southern Rights and Southern Co-Operation Meeting in Charleston in 1851.

Notice of Sheriff’s Sale of goods of Mrs. Wilson, a tenant of Abraham Ashe. Southern Patriot 1821.

Though Abraham doesn’t appear in capitation tax records, his appearances on the financial records show he was a landlord in 1821, renting to a “Mrs. Wilson.” Scrupulous, he arranged to have some of her goods sold to pay back rent. The Constable’s sale was advertised in the Southern Patriot. Neither Abraham nor Wilson were referred to as “colored” in the ad, though it was the norm.

Ashe himself had a history of difficulties as a property owner that led to several actions in Charleston’s Court of Equity. Abraham got into trouble over property in Charleston’s Ward 3 that he mortgaged after securing a loan from Ann Legare, the daughter of his one-time enslaver Elizabeth Ashe in 1821. The loan was against one of two lots of land he purchased that were formerly owned by the College of Charleston, lot 17 and 18 on the corner of Coming and Boundary Street. Presumably Mrs. Wilson lived in one of them. Though he agreed to make regular annual payments to Legare, Abraham was wildly inconsistent, only ever paying about $600 against the $1200 mortgage loan in odd sums. Legare eventually sued him in the Court of Equity in 1841.

“Ann Legare seeks the court’s assistance in collecting a debt from Abraham Ashe, “a free colored man.” Ashe became indebted to the petitioner in the amount of $1,200 in 1822. He mortgaged a lot of land in Charleston to secure the bond, which has recently become due. Legare now complains that Ashe “refuses” to pay her and has set up “various pretexts to delay and defeat your Oratrixes just claim.” Legare asks that the mortgage on the land be foreclosed and that Ashe “be Decreed to pay to your Oratrix all such sums of money as may appear to your Honors to be due to your Oratrix.”

Ashe’s lots on Boundary Street, later renamed Calhoun Street, were originally owned by the College of Charleston and was bounded by Benjamin T. Huger to the South, Walter Knox, to the East. Huger, a free person of color, tailor and Brown Fellowship Society member, had lot 17 surveyed in 1835 because he believed Ashe’s lot trespassed on his own land. Incidentally, Huger himself had 14 FPOC and 8 enslaved in his household on the 1830 census – probably boarders. The Brown Fellowship Society owned lots on the opposite side of Huger’s land.

Survey (1835) of Abraham Ashe and Benjamin Huger Lots on Boundary Street, Charleston.

In 1836, Abraham Ashe found himself before the Supreme Court of South Carolina over his debts where he managed to get the better of the situation. The case of John A. Cook vs. Abram Ashe involved a lawsuit over an account of $115.50. Ashe argued the debt was barred by the Statute of Limitations. The key witness, Thomas Legare, testified that Ashe acknowledged the debt and promised to pay in installments but could not specify the amount or details. Cook confirmed the accuracy of his account records.

The court determined that Ashe’s general acknowledgment of the debt did not specifically revive accounts from 1827 and 1828, which were already barred by the statute. Only accounts from 1829 and 1830, still within the four-year limitation, could remain enforceable. A new trial was ordered unless Cook agreed to reduce the judgment by $88, representing the barred accounts, leaving about $26 recoverable for the more recent accounts.

Sheriff’s sale of “lot of land to be sold” in Ann Legare vs. Abraham Ashe.

When in 1841, Ashe’s debts finally caught up with him, the Equity Court granted Ann Legare’s petition and Lot 18 and 17, on Boundary Street, was foreclosed, seized by the Court of Equity and sold in a sheriff’s sale which advertised “two lots and small wooden houses…known as Nos. 107 and 109.”

ABRAHAM’S LEGACY.

A few days before Christmas, Abraham Ashe died a year later on the 18th of December in 1842 at the age of 70. According to death records he died of dropsy or edema, a swelling of his limbs symptomatic of heart disease or kidney failure. His death record states he was “free”, born in December 1772, and was buried at the African Burial Ground. He lived almost twice the average lifespan of a free white man of his time, and three times the average lifespan of a slave. Ashe bequeathed his entire estate to his lawyer, James H. Ladson. Ladson dutifully invited all debtors to come forth, but there was nothing left of material value in Ashe’s estate except his enslaved.

1843, will of Abraham Ashe, transcribed by the Works Progress Administration.

When the probate was conducted, William $300, Maria $200, and Abram $150 were inventoried by Ladson in June 1843. J. M. Hume, owner of Hopsewee Plantation on the Santee River, George H. Ingraham, and Alonza J. White (slave trader), respectively, were witnesses and most likely appraisers of the inventory. Did the men have their eye on Abraham’s invaluable legacy for purchase themselves? The values associated with these enslaved people, William, Maria, and Abram, are a tell-tale sign that they were not yet “prime,” still just children. Was William the son of Susannah, the enslaved woman Abraham purchased in 1835? Was Abram, named for Abraham Ashe? Susannah was not listed. Had she died?

I wondered what happened to the children but the paper trail grew cold. Ladson was an enslaver himself and participated in several sales of enslaved people as a purchaser between 1843 and 1847, but there are no records of the sale of William, Maria, and Abram, not even in the “disposal” of Ashe’s property. I felt that any answers about the outcomes of these individuals might lie in records in the distant future, after the Civil War and emancipation of the nation’s enslaved blacks. Certain records, like those of the Freedmen’s Bureau often captured the very first details of untold thousands of formerly enslaved. I reasoned that I might find the children by searching for references to Abraham Ashe after 1865 during Reconstruction of the union. 

After finding references to only the white Ashe family of Charleston, led by Col. John A. S. Ashe in the Bureau records, I feared the worst.

I moved on to a recordset I seldom use, the Freedman’s Savings Bank records. A search for “Abraham Ashe” immediately came back with results. Abraham Ash (no “e”) appeared in one record in 1870. It was a revelation. This simple record offered a genealogist all he could hope for! It expanded Abraham’s story and legacy over multiple generations to the present day. The record extended his family’s story geographically far beyond the slave state of South Carolina to the free states of Pennsylvania and New York. The document was a testimony to the power of familial bonds and revealed the exciting identities of William, Maria, and Abram.

***

In 1870, a black woman named Maria Louisa Julius, age 38, wife of William Alexander Julius (a waiter) opened an account at the Freedmen’s Bank in New York City. Her address was 20 East 21st street in the heart of the Flatiron District in Manhattan, but she had grown up in Philadelphia according to the record. The private bank which was chartered at the Civil War’s close was supposed to assist the newly emancipated to establish their financial identity, deposit their earnings from new labor contracts and the bounties of US Colored Troops. At first the bank prospered, eventually collecting millions in savings from over 100,000 depositors that would be worth about US $1 billion today. Risky investments in railroad bonds and fraud heightened by the panic of 1873 helped the bank fail by 1874 dashing the hopes and savings of thousands of African Americans. Along with the retraction of the promise of 40 acres and a mule, the wonton rise of the violent retribution by whites in the South, and failure of Reconstruction freed men and women came to feel America was perhaps incapable of keeping its commitment to them as citizens. Yet, in the hope of a simple banking account, blacks placed their futures and recorded their pasts.

The account paperwork required Maria Louisa Julius to identify her parents, siblings, along with any other relevant details so they could access the account. On countless records this information can appear sketchy, often left blank, but Maria Louisa had a lot to share – it is as if her excitement in opening the bank account drove her to “overshare” using today’s slang.

Freedman’s Bank Record, 1870. Maria Louisa Julius nee’ Ashe lists all family members, including her father Abraham Ashe and mother Susannah Ashe.

On November 28, 1870, Maria Louisa Julius, a 38-year-old resident of New York City, recorded her details with the Freedmen’s Savings & Trust Bank. She lived at 2o East 21st street in the Flat Iron district. Born in Charleston, she reported that she was raised in Philadelphia, and was the wife of William Alexander Julius, a waiter. She wrote that her father, Abraham Ash, died 31 years earlier, and her mother, Susan, died a year later. She listed siblings, both alive and deceased. William (a machinist in Western California), Abraham (a boot maker in Philadelphia), Rebecca (married to Henry L. Price in Philadelphia), and Isabella (married to Thomas Peace in Charleston) were all living. Other family members, including Elizabeth and Christopher, were deceased.

The bank record confirms that William, Maria, and Abram, the enslaved property of Abraham Ashe that were inventoried after his death in 1842 thirty years earlier, were in fact his children, and that Susan was their mother. Recall that in 1835 in a tripartite agreement, Abraham Ashe agreed to pay $400 in bond to Thomas Middleton who purchased of Joseph Allen Smith (Izard) four enslaved people, Susannah and her children, William, Tyra, and Clarissa. Middleton was a trustee holding these nominal slaves.

“The bill of sale is made out to me with the understanding that when the amount of bond given by me for $400 for purchase of the within negroes is paid up by Abraham Ashe – then the right of property becomes vested in said Abraham Ashe.” 

Izard’s attorney was none other than James H. Ladson, Esq. Perhaps this is where Abraham Ashe first became acquainted with Ladson and why he entrusted him to be administrator of his estate, which included his children. Free people of color had to have “Guardians” in Charleston, white men and women who could vouch for them; perhaps Ladson was Ashe’s “Guardian.” Thomas Middleton (1797 – 1863) was the third son of Honorable Thomas Middleton, and grandson of Henry Middleton who established Middleton Place’s gardens after inheriting the plantation from his father-in-law John Williams. This Thomas Middleton was a merchant and lawyer, and a member of the powerful Middleton family who held vast plantations with hundreds of enslaved peoples across the region. His mother and first wife were Izards. Joseph Allen Smith Izard (1810 -1879) was the son of Joseph Allen Smith, a famous diplomat. Smith (who later used Izard as his last name) graduated from West Point, fought in the Seminole War and became owner of rice plantations including Recess Plantation on the Savannah Back River in St. Peter’s Parish, and appears to have shipped slaves out of the port of Savannah. He held property in Charleston as well.

We could stop once again to ponder how Abraham no doubt secured this remarkable deal between Charleston elites like Ladson, Middleton and Izard, and how Abraham came to have a wife and children with an enslaved woman purchased on his behalf in trust by Middleton. More intriguing is the connection between the two documents that appear to show Abraham’s purchases of enslaved people was likely focused on securing his family. Two records, the 1835 bond agreement and the 1870 Freedmen’s Bank Record forge a powerful connection across 35 years. Together they are a keystone that unravels the Ashe family life from slavery to freedom, before and beyond the Civil War. 

Bank records can be sparse, but Maria Louisa‘s went into great detail stating valuable information; Abraham and Susannah were her parents and several other siblings, including in-laws, were living or dead, and she shared their current locations in 1870. The 6 siblings known to her included William, Abraham Jr. “Abram”, Rebecca, Isabella, Elizabeth, and Christopher. By 1850 Rebecca was living in Philadelphia with her husband Henry L. Price, a carpenter. So was Abraham Jr. At the same time, Isabella was living in Charleston with her husband Thomas Peace. Elizabeth and Christopher had passed away before 1870 according to Maria Louisa. Her brother William, likely the eldest, was a machinist living somewhere in western California. Abraham Jr.  who went by “Abram” or possibly “Charles”, his middle name, was also living in Philadelphia with his wife Ann M. where he was a boot maker. 

Abraham Ashe must have met the $400 bond payment in full to Thomas Middleton for Susannah, and her children and therefore owned Susannah and all her increase, which would include her later born children, Maria Louisa and Abram, Elizabeth and Christopher. We can infer that their mother Susannah somehow became free or died before 1842 actually. She wasn’t mentioned in Abraham Ashe’s will or probate, she was not listed as property nor made an heir. Maria Louisa said Susannah died a year after Abraham. Abraham could not make his enslaved children his heirs either. Because of a 1820 South Carolina law, he could not have manumitted them. Enslaved family members became nominal slaves, in name only. Most likely Susannah, and her other 3 children, Clarissa, Isabella, and Tyra had achieved some other status and were no longer enslaved or the property of Abraham Senior. Perhaps they were married and living as FPOC in Charleston.

Apparently, Abraham’s first wife Clary died between 1832 and 1835 before Abraham entered into the bond to purchase Susannah. Susannah’s children William, Clarissa, and Tyra (as listed on the 1835 mortgage bond) were probably not Abraham’s biological children. According to Maria Louisa’s bank record, Susannah died a year after Abraham, between 1842-43. Some of the Ashe siblings were free, others still enslaved, so how did the enslaved orphans arrive in Philadelphia after their parent’s death if they were in the possession of James H. Ladson as estate inventory?

We know the Ashe children had a very strong incentive to leave Charleston, and slave states all together. In 1841, South Carolina’s legislature passed The Act to Prevent the Emancipation of Slaves. This Act prohibited testamentary emancipation, and it also voided all bequests to slaves, closing loopholes that enslavers with abolitionist tendencies had exploited for years to emancipate their slaves. Section IV states, “That every device or bequest, to a slave or slaves, or to any person, upon a trust or confidence, secret or expressed, for the benefit of any slave or slaves, shall be null and void.” 

In 1846, Charleston established a police force identifying serious punishments for both slave and free persons of color who resisted arrest, “twenty lashes on the bare back at the public market.” Also, capitation taxes increased from $2 to $5 annually for every free person of color over the age of 18. The freedoms FPOC enjoyed were dwindling as whites sought to curb their growth in reaction to the expanding nascent black freedom and growing abolitionism in free states like Delaware and Pennsylvania.

Did the elder Ashe siblings, go to James H. Ladson and broker a deal for their brothers William, Abram and sister Maria?

Though Charleston had been their home where the Ashes held high status that their father built up and strategically deployed to their benefit, that door had closed. With both their parents dead and no path to manumission, the future wasn’t bright for the Ashe children. Abraham’s lingering debts could put them on the auction block, separating them forever. I have no doubt that the eldest Ashe siblings and Abraham’s closest confidants, Ladson and perhaps men in the elite fraternal societies, or fellow church congregants conspired to arrange the escape of Abraham’s children from bondage.

***

Maria Louisa’s bank record revealed she had an older sister named Rebecca Ashe-Price (1822 – 1877). In 1850, Rebecca was living as a free person of color in Philadelphia when she first appeared on the census, classified as a “mulatto”, married mother of 3 with her husband Henry C. Price (1816 – 1872). At the time of her father’s death, she would have been about 20 years old. Since Rebecca wasn’t listed on Abraham’s inventory, I presume she was somehow free or unknown to the Probate Court (perhaps deliberately). We don’t know how old William was (I suspect he was at least a teenager) and other records show his siblings were much younger; Isabella was about 5 or 6, Maria Louisa, about 4 or 5, Abraham Jr. was about 3-4 years old. They were all just children. His siblings Clarissa and Tyra, first listed on the 1835 record were also not listed in the probate inventory. Elizabeth and Christopher, the other siblings mentioned by Maria Louisa, were either dead or free themselves.

Abraham Ashe surely knew his death would lead to dire outcomes for his family, and placing his infant children into the care of Ladson was likely a very canny move. He was relying on the stature and wealth of the attorney to devise a plan for his children, they may have even planned it together and involved the children’s older siblings.

Rebecca Ashe-Price, with her husband Henry C. Price, took their young enslaved siblings to Pennsylvania between 1847 and 1850. Henry was older, and already a FPOC, when he paid the the 1826 Capitation Tax in Charleston while living on Cannon Street. Both Rebecca and Henry were classified “mulatto” in the 1850 and 1860 census and “white” on the 1870 censuses of Philadelphia. I suspect the Price family used their very light skin and status as free people of color to pass unmolested out of Charleston with their children, Henry Jr. and Isabella (named after Rebecca’s sister) and the orphaned Ashe youth, William, Maria, and Abram. The Prices may have packed everything up and taken a train or wagon North or perhaps they booked passage on a steamship out of Charleston Harbor.

They likely traveled alongside their friend and neighbor, William Cooper (1781–1852) and his family, also from Charleston. The Coopers appears in the 1847 Quaker census of Philadelphia. By 1850, census records indicate that Rebecca’s sons, Jacob and Benjamin, and her youngest daughter, Susan, were all born in Pennsylvania.

James H. Ladson’s role remains a mystery. Were the orphans purchased of Ladson by their siblings? There is no bill of sale on record. Were they liberated by one of the siblings prompting the exodus? There were no Runaway Slave ads placed in the papers. I believe the key to the orphans story may lie with William Cooper. Cooper was a boot maker and also a member of the Brown Fellowship Society. His wife and children were also formerly enslaved. The Cooper and Price family lived in the same tenement in South Philadelphia according to the 1850 census. William Cooper was also a member of the Minor Moralist Society. Bishop Daniel Alexander Payne of the A.M.E. wrote in Recollections of 70 Years, about the society.

“As early as 1803 the Minors’ Moralist Society was established in the city of Charleston by James Mitchell, Joseph Humphries, William Cooper, Carlos Huger, Thomas S. Bonneau, William Clark, and Richard Holloway–all free colored men. Its object was to educate orphan or indigent colored children, and also to provide for their necessary wants. It consisted of fifty members, who contributed five dollars each at first, and paid thereafter the monthly sum of twenty-five cents each. As many as six children were at one time receiving its care and attention. It continued in existence until 1847, when, from the decease of many useful members and other local causes, it ceased to exist; not, however, without having done much good which continues to manifest itself both in Church and State.” 

Motivated by the mission of the Moralist society, I imagine that the Coopers and Price families worked together to devise a plan to secure the Ashe orphans’ freedom in the North, and that they all preferred their children to be raised in a free state. Cooper would have been sympathetic and eager to help; he purchased his second wife Hannah out of slavery, along with Hannah’s mother Lucretia, and her siblings July and Lavinia in 1829.

The Coopers were Presbyterian like other prominent FPOC – members of the Third Presbyterian Church in Charleston and in Philadelphia as well. The Price family were methodist. The foundations of Methodism though were anti-slavery and abolitionist, and the A.M.E. did not allow slaveholders. The A.M.E. and Quakers also worked with abolitionists to traffic fugitives out of slave states, including South Carolina. The A.M.E was active in Charleston and operated schools for free blacks until Bishop Alexander Payne of the church, himself a FPOC, was forced to leave the city in 1835 by worried white elites.

The Fugitive Slave Act of 1850 was an ever present threat. The Act was an attempt to enforce the Constitutional provision that required free states in the North to return fugitive slaves to the South. Slave catchers prowled the streets of every major northern city, especially Philadelphia.  Whether Henry and Rebecca brokered a deal with Ladson, or used their own status as free people of color to escape North, the two families eventually adjusted to life in the free state of Pennsylvania by 1850. Henry Price continued his work as a house carpenter and William Cooper as a boot maker. Since the Ashe children – William, Maria, and Abram don’t appear on the 1850 census, I assume they were in hiding-probably in plain sight.

Maria Louisa finally appears on record, well after Emancipation in New York. In 1876 Henry and Rebecca Price ‘nee Ashe purchase a 3 story tenement at 714 Wharton Street in South Philadelphia for $1100. As Episcopalians they attended the African Church of the Evangelist on Catherine Street. The Prices had 5 children and lived out the rest of their lives in Philadelphia in peace. William and Hannah Cooper both died in the 1850s and are buried at Lebanon Cemetery.

***

Abraham Charles Ash, Junior (1838 – 1920) appears on the 1860 census in Philadelphia before Emancipation. At the time his profession was “shoemaker” Abraham (who on some records was “Abram”) was probably apprenticed to William Cooper, Price’s friend and neighbor from Charleston, the black boot maker. He stated his birthplace as Pennsylvania not South Carolina. As a fugitive slave, he was probably attempting to avoid sharing information that might lead to his discovery and possible recapture.

Inspired by his own journey from bondage to freedom, Abram was moved to fight for the freedom of his enslaved brethren. In 1863, Abram Junior enlisted into the Union Navy in Philadelphia, proudly stating he was born in South Carolina. For over two years he served on three different vessels including the USS Monticello, USS Princeton, and USS Savannah. Before he enlisted in the winter of 1860, he married Ann Maria Jackson. Their first child was stillborn in 1863 and buried in Lebanon cemetery, their second attempt also ended in tragedy. Frederick lived only 17 months and is also buried in Lebanon. “Annie” and Abram were married for 50 years and appear to have had no further children.

USS Monticello, colored print, 1860s.

Abram filed for a naval pension for his service during the Civil War and received it in 1891 according to the Philadelphia Enquirer. The pension application has been a wealth of information, including about his sister Maria Louisa. 

According to his US Naval Pension records, while serving as a sailor during the war, he slept on a zinc floor of the USS Savannah and not a hammock, and as a result suffered frostbite and rheumatism. His pension was increased over time from $6 to $12 a month. To secure an increase in the pension, Abram furnished a letter saying he came to Philadelphia from Charleston about 1848 and “went to Mr. William Cooper.” The record also states Abram was bound out to shoemaker Jesse Turner who lived on 2nd and Chestnut between 1850 and 1860 (Abram first lived in the home of William Cooper).  A 1903 letter from his sister Maria Louisa Julius who was living in Orange, New Jersey at the time is also included in the application. In the letter, Maria begged Abram and his wife Anna to move to New Jersey near her. She stated she did not have any dependents who could claim her life insurance upon her death. Maria chastised Abram for “being nearly 61 years old” and not yet being a “good Christian man.”

In one notable affidavit in the pension records, Abram states he was “born free” in Charleston and that his parents died before he left. The record shows otherwise, however. He was either ignorant of the facts of his birth status as a slave – or he felt it necessary to continue to hide the circumstances of his birth from the US government. Perhaps he thought it jeopardized his pension status in some way.

In fact there were discrepancies in his age. He reports being born in 1838 and 1842 separately during his pension negotiations – an error the Commissioner of the Pension office asked him to reconcile. Or perhaps he was growing senile. On one application document asking for the status of his family he stated that his wife had died in 1916, then put his wife’s name down under children, and that she was living in Mount Holly, New Jersey. Abram Ashe died in July 1920 and is buried at the Philadelphia National Cemetery under a veteran’s marker arranged by his widow Anna Jackson of Kater Street in Philadelphia according to records. It appears that is the end of his line.

***

Isabella Ash (1835 – 1883), another of Maria Louisa’s sisters, is found living in Charleston on the 1860 record before Emancipation. By then, she was clearly a free person of color – only her daughter Rebecca aged 6 at the time was living with her though. Thomas Peace was on the 1868 voter registration roll before appearing with his wife and family in the 1870 census. Isabella became a “Mantua maker” or dressmaker on Coming Street. Mantuas were formal 17th century gowns hand stitched by enslaved women that would return their wages to their owners. In 1870 after the Civil War’s close, Isabella Peace, once again advertised she was seeking patronage for her craft. Freedmen’s Savings & Trust bank accounts of her sons St. Julian and Eugene living at 24 Wall St. in 1868 show they too were entrepreneurial and eager to establish financial records after Emancipation. By 1880, Isabella was no longer sewing – she was paralyzed for over a year, and died not long after in 1883 at about the age of 55. Her husband Thomas died of old age in 1887 at age 80. St. Julian died young. Eugene, a barber, married and moved to Philadelphia. Rebecca, married and remained in Charleston. Isabell died at 55 of old age and is buried in the historic Charleston Cemetery district in the Unity & Friendship Society cemetery. The district includes the relocated Brown Fellowship Society cemetery as well.

Abraham Ashe’s son, perhaps the eldest, William Ash remains an enigma. His name is recorded in his purchase as a slave in 1835, inventory in 1842, then again in 1870 on the Freedmen’s Bank Account record of Maria Louisa Julius, but I can find no further mention of him. His precise location in California was not noted by his sister, other than that he was a machinist. William Cooper’s son William Jr. did move briefly to Sacramento, California about 1852 for work, but returned to Philadelphia. If William Cooper went with the family friend, there is no record.

Outside the Freedman’s Bank record, there are few records for Maria Louisa Ash, either under the married name Alexander or Julius, or her surname Ash. However, we know by November 1870, at age 25 she arrived in New York City where she was married to a man named William Alexander Julius. Her “dark brown” complexion distinguished her from her sister Isabella, listed as “mulatto” her whole life. Perhaps they were half-sisters? Julius may have also been the surname of Maria Louisa’s husband. In 1903 she wrote a remarkable letter to her brother, Abram, which he used in his US Navy pension application. The letter revealed she was living alone near Newark in Orange, New Jersey, without any heirs – apparently she was childless. She described herself as an “old woman” who could not get work washing, but with many friends. She hoped her brother and sister-in-law would claim her life insurance. Abram stated he attended her funeral in the pension application in 1912. She would have been 78. It’s a pity that Maria Louisa’s bank record could lead to so much information about her siblings and not more about her own early life. Did she also make the journey directly to Philadelphia with her siblings or was the family split up to better protect them from slave catchers?

ABRAHAM, REFUGEE OF SAINT-DOMINGUE.

By examining the life of the Ashe children, I’ve learned further remarkable facts about the early life of Abraham Ashe. On the 1880 census, Abram Ashe listed both his parents as being born in “Hayti” (Haiti). His sister Rebecca also ticked the box on the 1870 census record that her father was of “foreign birth.” Though they had come a long way out of slavery in Charleston, they had not forgotten their parents origins. Perhaps Rebecca was the knowledge keeper of the family. She would name her daughter Susan after her mother for example. Their parent’s reported origin in the former French colony of Saint-Domingue may explain the francophone names of Abraham’s children Isabella and Maria Louisa. Saint-Domingue was the French name for the island of Hispaniola before 1804. If Abraham Ashe Senior was first enslaved in Saint-Domingue and then brought to South Carolina as a refugee in the 1790s during the Haitian Revolution then the widow of Capt. John Ashe, Elizabeth Legare-Ashe, was not Abraham’s first enslaver. Abraham would have already lived a full life as a young French black on the island of Saint-Domingue. Was he a skilled tradesman in towns like Cap Francis or Port-au-Prince or was he a valet or house slave tending to a wealthy mulatto merchant, or was he a seaman working the ports transporting the ill gotten gains of the French colonists? Was he born free in Africa, enslaved and then taken to Saint-Domingue?

The Burning of Cap Francais, Haiti, by the French School (engraving).

It is not well known today that Saint-Domingue was once the wealthiest colony of the “new world”, with wealth greater than all the British and Spanish colonies combined at that time. In many ways, the West Indies, Florida, and southern port cities like Savannah and Charleston were satellites of this powerful trade port. The mountainous island of Hispaniola was in fact cosmopolitan with well developed cities in nearly every bay, deep ports, and vast estates. Saint-Domingue produced so much wealth, the French gave up the entirety of Canada to secure their claim on the colony. When the Haitian Revolution took place between 1791 and 1804, different bands of enslaved people, free people of color (largely mulattos, but some Euro Africans as well), and maroons (self-emancipated blacks) joined together to overthrow the government in a series of bloody battles on the island lasting years. 

Over about a dozen years, white French and gens de couleur libres or free people of color – merchants, planters, traders lost control of the cities, then the sugar cane farms, and coffee plantations, and thousands of acres of land along with access to forced labor that made them wealthy. Becoming refugees on other islands due to the uprising, the French streamed into the US to southern ports like New Orleans and Charleston, taking their enslaved people with them as their primary, and only source of income. Of course, the US ended international slave trading in 1807 shutting the door to the legal importation of slaves, but not before many thousands of Haitian enslaved arrived unwillingly. Over 500 documented French refugees arrived in the port of Charleston in the 1790s but the numbers of enslaved they bought with them are not precisely known.

During the colonial era, Saint-Domingue had a diverse three-tiered society of Whites of French, British, and Spanish descent, mixed-race Africans and indigenous peoples, and Black people, both enslaved and free. It was a creolized society – one where the African diaspora historian Ira Berlin called “Atlantic Creole” could prosper under the right conditions living between and taking advantage of societal rules around race and religion. When they arrived in Charleston, French-speaking Catholics from Saint-Domingue significantly altered Charleston’s Protestant, two-tiered social structure (white/black) and their creolized culture threatened the white supremacist status quo – they were not exactly welcomed with open arms. Charlestonians feared they would bring the insurrectionist tendencies with them embodied in their slaves. In fact, the preeminent South Carolina historian Bernard Powers wrote in his book Black Charlestonians that about 15 French slaves led by two Haitians were implicated in a conspiracy to burn Charleston “as they had formerly done at St. Domingue.”

Despite the concern, many Charlestonians, part of French benevolent societies, embraced the refugees. It seems James H. Ladson, the attorney and executor of Abraham Ashe’s estate was sympathetic to the refugees of St. Domingo. In 1805 and 1806, as a member of the St. Cecilia Society, he financially supported several benefit concerts for Saint-Domingue orphans. Perhaps this predisposed Ladson to Ashe and made it possible for him to broker with Abraham’s daughter Rebecca to let her take her siblings North to freedom.

After he gained his freedom from the English merchant James Mays, Abraham Ashe could have sought to model himself after the elite French gens de couleur libres class who arrived with slaves and wealth. He might have wanted to imitate people like the Euro African family of Marie-Adélaïde Rossignol, a quadroon born in West African island of Goree who immigrated to Haiti, became a slave owner, before fleeing to Charleston where her family. Rossignols married into European immigrant families in Charleston and effectively “passed” into white life for generations. Or he may have considered styling himself after William Rollin, a Catholic mulatto from Saint-Domingue who ran a successful lumber business in Charleston, employing Irish labor. 

What we know is that Abraham aligned himself early on with the Episcopalians. His proximity to the members of the Brown Fellowship Society and interactions with them suggests that he became more “African American” though his Franco-African roots no doubt set him apart. He could traverse many spaces in the antebellum postcolonial world as an “Atlantic Creole”, as a former slave and purchaser of enslaved people, the world of free people of color with French West Indian roots, and into the emerging modern African American identity desperately seeking freedom.

CAPTAIN JACOB ASHE.

Captain Jacob Ashe (1850 – 1896), a sloop captain from Charleston, is the 3x great grandfather of several of my 4th generation Ancestry DNA match cousins. Captain Ashe and his wife Ellen “Nellie” nee’ Grant (1852 – 1906) lived at 11 Nunan St., 2 New St., 10 Smith Lane, and 4 Council St. throughout the 1870s and 80s. Together, Jacob and Nellie had seven children beginning in 1876. 

  • John Jacob (1876 – 1895)
  • Ellen Elizabeth (1879 – 1966)
  • Mary Jane “Minnie” (1880 – aft. 1900)
  • Lorine (1880 – aft. 1900)
  • David (1882 – aft. 1900)
  • Rosa (1893 – 1848)
  • Jacob Jr. (1896 – aft. 1900)

Most records spell Jacob’s last name as “Ashe” with an “e”. Death records state he died about Nov. 20, 1896 and was classified as “brown” or a mulatto. He was born at “Togoodoo,” a northwest tributary of Toogoodoo Creek on Edisto Island, in St. John’s Parish, Colleton, but also the name of a major plantation there. Buried at Emanuel cemetery, his family were African Methodist Episcopalians. Based on the predicted genetic relationship of a mutual descendent, Capt. Jacob Ashe was very likely the grand child of Abraham Ashe, and my distant cousin.

Abraham was enslaved by Capt. John Ashe Esq., son of Major General John S. Ashe of North Carolina. Abraham was then held by Capt. Ashe’s widow Eliza Legare, before she sold him to James Mays in 1807. 

Given his prior enslavement by Capt. Ashe, Abraham may have spent time at Toogoodoo, probably in the mid-1790s through the early 1800s after arriving as an enslaved refugee from Haiti. He may have even had a child there with an enslaved woman producing one of Jacob’s parents, like his father. On the 1880 census was Jacob’s mother named Louisa Johnston, born about 1832 in Charleston. She could have been his mother-in-law too.

American sloop, circa 1850s.

Abraham had three documented sons, William, Abraham Jr. and Christopher according to the Freeman’s Bank Record of his daughter Maria Louisa Ashe. Christopher and William do not have birthdates or date of deaths. Abraham Jr. left Charleston before he was of age to have children. Records show William was born before 1835 but living in California by 1870, and Christopher was deceased. I surmise Christopher didn’t survive childhood and was likely born after Abraham purchased his wife Susannah in 1835, making William the most likely candidate for Jacob’s father. William would have only been a teen, but still a young man by the standard of the day when Jacob was born in 1850.

A “historic cabin” on Toogoodoo Plantation for rent on VRBO appears to be a remodeled slave cabin.

As a sloop captain, Jacob Ashe likely traveled back and forth between area plantations delivering cotton and other products, probably from Toogoodoo Creek to Charleston’s many ports. Toogoodoo is closely associated with the plantations of the white Ashe family since the colony of Carolina. The lands originally called “Tooboo-doo” perhaps for its native name were in the Ashe family for at least 3 generations before Joseph Ashe (1758 – 1790) and his brother John Ashe Senior (1760 – 1825) resided at the place also called Ashe Point. He had several plantations at the time of his death in 1825, two of which were rice plantations with mills. His other plantations included Whooping Island, Russell’s Point (on Edisto), Pingree Island, Will Plantation (near Willtown), Moss Plantation, a mansion house in Charleston and several lots of land. Capt. Jacob Ashe was probably born on Toogoodoo plantation under the occupation of Col. Ashe. He was likely hired out or apprenticed as a sailor to learn the trade. He eventually would use those skills to become a sloop captain. 

Survey of “Ashe Point”, plantation at “Tooboodoo” Creek outside Charleston.

Captain Jacob Ashe raised his family during that remarkable period known as “Reconstruction”, when radical Black Republicans were ascendent during a volatile period of governorship of the state and city. During Reconstruction in Charleston, Congressman Robert Smalls, the legendary self-liberated former slave and Civil War hero famous for stealing a Confederate ship, started a railroad enterprise between Charleston and Beaufort. Over 80 blacks were elected to the South Carolina legislature in 1868. A black man, Jonathan Jasper Wright, was elected judge of the South Carolina Supreme Court and Smalls was elected to fill his unexpired time in the state Senate in 1870.

Jacob Ashe became a member of Charleston’s “Special Police” in 1870 tasked with protecting the vote of thousands of blacks heading to the polls in South Carolina history. Black Republicans won 3 of the 4 seats in the House of Representatives and a Senate seat. In 1880 Capt. Jacob lived next door to several black sailors on Council Street: Captain Peter Allston, father and son Captain Henry L. Graddick, and Captain Henry Taylor Graddick. The Graddicks were FPOC before 1865. Capt. Graddick hosted Frederick Douglass in his only southern visit in 1888.

Tragically, Captain Ashe’s family had several early deaths. Jacob and Nellie’s eldest son John died at age 19 from Bright’s Disease. Then Jacob, himself died just a year later in 1896 – he was only 44. His wife Nellie died of apoplexy at 44 years old as well in 1902. She was last living in the neck at 90 Morris Street and is buried at Emanuel as well. Their daughter Ellen “Ella” Elizabeth married Joseph Nelson. Ellen and Joseph had 15 children, though not all survived to adulthood. Ellen lived a long life, to age 87. Joseph was a porter for the American Railroad Company when they lived in the Washington Heights neighborhood in Charleston in the early 1900s. In 1920, the family moved to Charlotte where Joseph worked as a cook, and at Southern Railway Company. Ellen’s younger sister Rosa Ashe married James Pinckney of Charleston.

Rosa was a cook and lived on rented premises on Calhoun Street which used to be Boundary Street when she passed in 1948. Her death certificate, signed by her sister Ella, spelled her father Jacob’s last name as Ashe with an “e”. Her husband James was a carpenter, and was once employed by the passenger rail company, Atlantic Coast Line Railroad as a boilermaker helper. They lived at Tobins Court Alley in Ward 9 for many years throughout the Great Depression. James died sometime before 1840 in his 60s. Rosa is also buried at the Emanuel cemetery.

THE LONG ARC BENDS.

The story of Abraham Ashe and his remarkable family doesn’t end here. Clues point to the possibility that the Haitian-born man was first enslaved in the port city of Cap Francais by the Afro-French descendant of the Bertrand family, merchants and planters in San Domingue from the 1870s up to the Haitian revolution.

When Martin Luther King said, the arc of the moral universe is long, but it bends towards justice, he never spoke truer words. In twenty years of family research, I’ve never encountered an ancestor story quite like this one. That Abraham would be enslaved in another country, live through the largest slave uprising in history, and the only uprising that led the the creation of a free state of formerly enslaved people, live life as an enslaved refugee in Charleston to a powerful elite white family, be sold to an English immigrant, and then become a free person of color who would go on to own land and purchase his enslaved family members to create a nominal freedom for them, well, it’s simply astounding. That Abraham and his second wife Susannah and their enslaved children were smuggled North to freedom after his death, and their son Abram Junior would go on to become a US sailor on three ships in the Civil War fighting for the freedom of all enslaved blacks and to preserve the Union, is the very definition of resilience. My hope is that by recovering and sharing Abraham’s journey, and the earliest history of my maternal family, my own descendants will find in their past legacy, the strength and lessons in resilience necessary to face the future where the American experiment is always being tested.

SOURCES.

  • “Free Blacks and Mulattos in South Carolina.” Ancestry.com.
  • Bill of Sale (1807, Slave: Abraham to James Mays, from Elizabeth Ashe, Widow of Nathan Legare, and Hon. John Ashe, Esq.). Charleston Public Records.
  • Charleston Public Records. Enslavement Records 1832–1836. FamilySearch.
  • Charleston Capitation Tax (1811–1860). FamilySearch.
  • “Slaves at Little Edisto and Frogmore Plantations, Edisto Island, SC, 1858.” Fold3.
  • “Middleton of South Carolina.” The South Carolina Historical and Genealogical Magazine, vol. 1, no. 3, July 1900, pp. 228–262.
  • South Carolina Historical Society. J.H. Ladson Papers.
  • Salley, A. S., Jr., editor. Marriage Notices in The South-Carolina Gazette and Its Successors, 1732-1801. Joel Munsell’s Sons, 1902.
  • “Digital Library on American Slavery: The Race and Slavery Petitions Project.” University of North Carolina at Greensboro.
  • “Freedom on the Move Database.” Cornell University.
  • “Haiti to Charleston.” Roman Catholic Diocese of Charleston, charlestondiocese.org/bishop-jacques-fabre-jeune-cs/haiti-to-charleston/.
  • City of Philadelphia Register of Wills Office. City of Philadelphia Register of Wills Office. secureprod.phila.gov/wills/.
  • Powers, Bernard E., Jr. Black Charlestonians: A Social History, 1822–1885. University of Arkansas Press, 1994.
  • Saillant, John, “BEFORE 1822: ANTI-BLACK ATTACKS ON CHARLESTON METHODIST CHURCHES FROM 1786 TO DENMARK VESEY’S EXECUTION,” Commonplace: the journal of early American life, accessed 1.10.25, https://commonplace.online/article/before-1822/.
  • Gillikin, M. W. Saint Dominguan Refugees in Charleston, South Carolina, 1791-1822: Assimilation and Accommodation in a Slave Society. 2014. Doctoral dissertation, University of South Carolina, scholarcommons.sc.edu/etd/3040.
  • “Colonial Families of the USA, 1607-1775 for William Hasell Gibbs.” Ancestry.com.
  • Force, Pierre, and Susan Dick Hoffius. Negotiating Race and Status in Senegal, Saint Domingue, and South Carolina: Marie-Adélaïde Rossignol and Her Descendants. McNeil Center for Early American Studies, 2018.
  • “The Remarkable Rollin Sisters.” Searchable Museum, www.searchablemuseum.com/the-remarkable-rollin-sisters.
  • “INDEMNISATION DES COLONS SPOLIÉS (Compensation for Dispossessed Colonists).” Sous-série F/12, Articles F/12/2740-2883 et F/12/7627-7632, Archives Nationales, Paris.
  • Annuaire de la pairie et de la noblesse de France et des maisons souveraines de l’Europe (Directory of the Peerage and Nobility of France and the Sovereign Houses of Europe). Vol. 26, 1869.

The Shermans: Recovering Ancestors and Finding the Yorks

THE LAST ENSLAVERS OF JOSEPH SHerman AND MARIE YORK.

My great-great-great-grandparents, Joe Sherman (1821–1880) and Marie Sherman (1830–1915) became a couple while they were both enslaved in the 1850s in the Grove District of Greenville, South Carolina.

According to family oral tradition, Joe Sherman may have originally been from Charleston, South Carolina where he was purchased as an enslaved man. Charleston was America’s oldest and largest slave-trading port, and most African Americans are likely to have an ancestor who arrived through this gateway. After the 1807 U.S. ban on international slave trading, when the US Constitution was finally ratified by 1808, Charleston became a hub for the domestic slave trade, which forcibly relocated generations of Africans who already had lives and communities liminaly as enslaved labor on plantations in the North to the Deep South. If a planter wanted to get enslaved labor, the only place they could get it was within the boundaries of the United States. The international ban basically became a legal sanction, federally protected trade that supercharged the business of slavery in the US.

Gadsden’s Wharf, the largest slave port in Charleston, saw an estimated 100,000 West Africans land there between 1783 and 1807. More than 40% of all Africans in America first set foot on American soil at Gadsden’s Wharf, survivors of the horrific Middle Passage, one of the worst traumas in human history. After 1808, more than 40,000 more Africans were smuggled in. Today, Gadsden’s Wharf is the site of the International African American Museum dedicated to black history and genealogy – a place where all Americans can explore their African roots.

I want to believe the lore, but it’s probably most likely that Joe’s parents first stepped foot on the continent at Charleston, not him. Or that Joe’s parents were sold south through Charleston but were originally from the North. However, I have come to definitively learn so much more about Joe’s early life from about 1848 through emancipation by researching my genealogy, weaving together archival study and genetic research.

Census records are consistent that Joe’s wife, Marie, was born in Virginia, but how she arrived in South Carolina has been as equal a mystery as Joe’s life. I assumed she was sold South, perhaps taken from her family, since I could not find her parents or siblings in the records after 1870. For over twenty years, I have been researching my family history. Before me, my late cousin, Pat Mays-Thompson, spent fifty years studying the Mays and Sherman families and their origins on the record around Greenville, South Carolina. Despite all these many years of research, very little has been known or even speculated about Joseph and Marie’s origins—until now.

1870 US Census, Grantt, Greenville, the Sherman and Mays family living next door to each other. Harriet is the daughter of the Shermans.

Just a few years after the Civil War ended on the 1870 census, Joe, 49, and Marie Sherman, 40, farmed in the Gantt District, just southeast of Greenville, while leading a large household that included six children ranging in ages from 18 to 3; Nancy, Jackson, Tanday, Felix, Henry, Charles, and John. Charles and John were the first free-born children of the family after emancipation. We know Joe and Marie met while they were enslaved because five of their seven children were born before the Emancipation Proclamation of 1863 when over 3 million enslaved people were freed by the legal decree during the Civil War.

Joe and Marie’s eldest daughter Harriet, 22, is found living next door to the Shermans with her husband Jim Mays, 24, and their infant son, Benjamin Franklin “Frank” Mays. Jim and Harriet are my great-great grandparents, through their fifth son, Van Matthew Mays (1883 – 1961) who migrated to Cleveland, Ohio in the early 1900s with his wife Elvira Higdon (1890 – 1848).

Harriet Sherman, (1848 – 1929), daughter of Joseph Sherman and Marie York.
Image, enhanced and colorized.

Greenville in 1870 at this time was a high country community of farms, cotton mills, and textile factories, with a small downtown, but it was far from sleepy. Due to the cotton boom, and Greenville’s many creeks and rivers, the town supported one of the largest textile manufacturing areas in the country. Greenville was built on the insatiability for cotton and woolen clothing being manufactured in England and Europe. In 1860, South Carolina had an enslaved population of 400,000. The Gannt district was named for Judge Richard Grant of Maryland who settled in the area in the early 1800s. The White Horse Pike was already a major highway from North to South. Various mills and a few large factories situated on the Reedy and Enoree rivers in Greenville transformed cotton and other materials into wealth for the early planters.

Vardry McBee Grist Mill on the Reedy River, Greenville, SC, mid 1800s.
Image from Friends of Reedy River.

Joe Sherman was born about 1821 and Marie about 1830. Marie’s 1870 and 1880 census records show she was born in Virginia, and as we’ll see, she was part of a sprawling interconnected family – by blood – of black enslaved people and white early American enslaver families that migrated from Virginia to South Carolina after the American Revolution. The heads of these slaveholding families took advantage of land patents awarded for their service as soldiers during the American Revolution, as well as large swaths of land in South Carolina purchased when they were still British subjects. They also came in search of fertile new lands to cultivate because Virginia tobacco farming had depleted the arable land. I’ve previously discussed how the families that enslaved my earliest Mays ancestors, the Moon, Few, Mays, and Gilreath families, were part of an explosion of growth in the population of Greenville that built vast intergenerational wealth for antebellum white farmers while imparting generational trauma and depredation on their enslaved. Among those Virginian families were the Curetons – who also had strong ties to the Moon family. However, they arrived in the Greenville district of Grove instead of O’Neal.

HENRY SHERMAN SELLS “JO”.

In January 1846, for the sum of $450, a white Greenville planter living in Grove District named Henry Sherman sold two enslaved men, “Jo” and “Peter” to a neighbor named William Henry Cureton (1812 – 1893). Sherman warranted them to be “sound and healthy.” This remarkable information was uncovered using the FamilySearch full-text experimental search to explore Sherman records that are currently unindexed. I came across the bill of sale by researching white farmers in the region with the same surname as my ancestors.

Mortgage of Negros, Henry Sherman to William H. Cureton, 1846.

I set out to explore if this Jo was my ancestor, but I had never heard the name Cureton before. I imagined for many years that my ancestor may have adopted the Sherman surname of Union General William Tecumseh Sherman whose infamous army march devastated Confederate forces, and freed countless slaves across the South. I should not have been surprised to find Joe’s surname was that of a former enslaver. 

“I, Henry Sherman, have granted, bargained, and sold and by these presents do grant, bargain, and sell unto Wm H. Cureton, one negro man named Jo and one other negro man named Peter for and in consideration of the sum of Four Hundred and fifty Dollars with interest thereon from 1st of December last, which payment to be well and truly made and done by the said William H. Cureton.”

In 1840, according to US Census records, the farmer Henry Sherman family included two boys and a girl under 9, and a wife between the ages of 20 and 29. With just 3 enslaved, Henry would have been a small village farmer and not part of the wealthy planter class. He was between 30 and 39 years old when he enslaved a black male between 10 and 23, and two black females between 10 and 23 years old. Since Henry made the sale of two males in 1846, he likely acquired at least one of them, Jo or Peter, between 1840 and 1846.

Henry Sherman
To
William H. Cureton
Mortgage of Negroes

South Carolina
Greenville District

Know all men by these presents, that I, Henry Sherman, have granted, bargained, and sold and by these presents do grant, bargain, and sell unto Wm H. Cureton, one negro man named Jo and one other negro man named Peter for and in consideration of the sum of Four Hundred and fifty Dollars with interest thereon from 1st of December last, which payment to be well and truly made and done by the said William H. Cureton. I do hereby bind myself, my heirs, executors, and administrators & assigns to warrant and forever defend the rights and title of the said negro Jo and negro Peter to the said William H. Cureton, his heirs and assigns forever. And I do warrant the above-named negroes to be sound and healthy negroes to have and to hold said negroes until the conditions underwritten shall be complied with. This the 9th day of January 1846.

The condition of the above obligation is such that the above bound Henry Sherman has become indebted to Edmund Waddle on one note for four hundred and fifty Dollars with interest thereon from about the 1st of December last past, and the said William H. Cureton did assign said note with the said Henry Sherman as security and in order that the said William H. Cureton from his liability has bound himself for assigning said note with said Sherman that if the said Henry Sherman shall give the said Cureton the above obligation, and if the said Henry Sherman does pay and fulfill and discharge the above note in full, then this obligation to be void and of no effect otherwise to remain in full force, etc. And the said negroes Jo and Peter shall be applied to the payment of the above debt, and if there should be any surplus after paying said debt and the cost that may arise thereon, it shall be returned to the said Henry Sherman. Witness my hand and seal the day and date above written.

Henry Sherman [seal]

Signed, Sealed and Delivered
In the presence of us:
Pascal D. Cureton
Wm. H. Cureton

South Carolina
Greenville District

Personally came before me Wm. H. Cureton the above named, and made oath that he did see Henry Sherman sign, seal, and deliver the within instrument of writing for the uses and purposes therein mentioned and that he, Pascal Cureton, and H. Cureton, in the presence of each other, witnessed the due execution of the same.

Sworn to and subscribed
before me this 17th day of January 1846
Robt. McKay, C.C.C.
& Magt. Ex off.Recorded 17th January 1846,
By Robt. McKay, C.C.C.

With this being the only evidence of a man named Jo with the potential surname Sherman, I knew I would have to thoroughly research Henry Sherman as well as William H. Cureton independently. My Joe Sherman had a wife named Marie, but until this bill of sale, I had found no other documentation about either in Greenville records.

I speculated, if this Jo was my Joe Sherman, perhaps my great-great-great grandparents met on Cureton’s plantation or in the mill? I already knew their daughter Harriet was born before the emancipation of the enslaved and well before the Civil War. Frustratingly, I also knew William H. Cureton died after the war, so his will and probate record would not contain the names of his formerly enslaved unless he had a special relationship with them that extended beyond the freeing of the slaves. However, William H. Cureton appears to have also died intestate. I often explore the possibility of genetic relationships between myself and enslaver families and research them as thoroughly as I would my own. As is common in my reports, I often find connections. So, could genetic genealogy again shed light on the ancestral path when paper trails fade? Before delving into my own genetic story, to locate Joe and Marie, I would to first better understand who William H. Cureton and Henry Sherman were. Fortunately, there was plenty of historical documentation on the men to be found.

THE YORKSWILLAM CURETON’S ENSLAVED FAMILY.

According to Historical Southern Families, Vol. XIX, the Cureton clan was originally from Wales and settled in Pennsyvlania and Virginia in the early to mid-1700. The Curetons were associated with plantations in several Virginia counties, including Prince George County, and Lunenberg County south of Petersburg around the Meherrin, Blackwater, and James rivers. Various Cureton family members immigrated south to North Carolina, Laurens County, Lancaster County, and Greenville County in South Carolina, as well as Alabama, Georgia, and west to Arkansas over several generations. Other early families marrying into the Curetons include the Heath and Baugh families.

Another source of Cureton family history includes a Cureton Family Bible in the collection of Bible Records at the Houston Genealogical Forum. The bible was passed down through the generations and stated that Cureton and his wife, Frances, had six children between 1717 and 1735. A note indicates that the Cureton Baugh branch of the family also lived in Prince George and Bertie Counties, Virginia. 

There were three generations of John Cureton. John Cureton Jr. was born in 1757 to John Cureton Sr. (1731-1803) and Winifred Heath (1733-1783) in Lunenburg, Virginia with land on both sides of the Meherrin river, and married Sarah Moon, daughter of Gideon Moon, in 1778. Gideon Moon, the namesake of the Moon family, traces his lineage back to British colonial Virginia. The Moon and Cureton families were close, as some of their children shared the same first names. Gideon Moon gave his son-in-law 70 acres of land in Virginia. John Cureton Jr. served as the executor of Gideon Moon’s estate, as recorded in Moon’s will exhibited in 1790.

Gideon Moon also held lands across several districts in Greenville, and evidence shows he gifted some of it to his son William. Gideon’s son John Moon also settled in Greenville and died in 1839 – his daughter married David T. Cureton, the son of John Cureton Sr. Sarah Moon (1750–1797) one of Gideon’s daughters, married John Cureton Jr. In 1790, John Jr. bought and sold land in Virginia twice, eventually selling it to another of Gideon Moon’s sons. 

John M. Cureton Sr. also purchased over 1,000 acres of land in 1805 in Greenville on the Rocky River (now Reedy River), later selling much of it to his son. Sarah Cureton (née Moon) died around 1797. By that year, John Cureton Jr. had sold his Virginia property and fully migrated south with his two sons, John “Moon” Cureton III (1779–1845) and Abner H. Cureton (1785–1850) to South Carolina on the Enoree River. In about 1820 John Cureton Jr. built a home about 5 miles south of Simpsonville. Showing how close the families were, John Moon also named one of his sons “Abner Heath” Moon.

1825 Mills Atlas of Greenville, Grove District, Cureton’s Mill on the Reedy River south of Greenville.

The Greenville Century Book states, “John M. Cureton was the first of that name to settle in the county (Greenville)…He was also from Virginia and located on the Enoree river in the Clear Spring neighborhood soon after the Revolutionary war.”

Abner Heath Cureton and his brother John Cureton III later moved to Greenville to the Sandy Springs area and lived on adjoining plantations in the district of Grove. The “Cureton Mill” on the Reedy River appears on the 1850 mills map of Greenville County. John married Mary Adkins Dacus and Abner married Matilda Lester first and then Matilda Nelson second and had 13 children in all. John became a true planter – he enslaved 29 people in 1830 and by 1840 he held 59 people in bondage. Fitting with the growth of factories and textile mills spinning cotton in the area, Cureton was also enslaving on an industrial level to achieve industrial strength returns. By contrast, Abner held no slaves himself between 1820 and 1830 as he was establishing himself, and then gained just 3 people enslaved by 1840. He likely worked with his brother in an overseer capacity. Perhaps because they held adjoining plantations, Abner and John Cureton probably shared the spoils of the enslaved labor. 

James Douglass Cureton (1830 – 1904), son of Abner H. Cureton, brother to William H. Cureton. Image, enhanced and colorized. Source. T. Marty, Ancestry.com

Abner and Matilda’s second son was named William Henry Cureton. He was born in Greenville and grew up on the Cureton plantations with his siblings, John, Thomas, George, Sallie, and David. In 1846, William H. Cureton purchased “Jo” and “Peter” but he wasn’t particularly wealthy like his uncle. Though he lived in Fork Shoals through the early to mid-1800s farming, he was worth only about $1400 in 1850. Surprisingly, he remained a bachelor with no children according to the record (but that fact would change with more investigation). He was a slaveholder, however.

William H. Cureton’s 9 enslaved in 1850 were:

  • Female 38, b. 1812
  • Male 24, b. 1826 (possibly Joe Sherman – born about 1821)
  • Female 20, b. 1830 (possibly Marie Sherman – born about 1830)
  • Female 2, b. 1848 (possibly Harriet Sherman – born about 1848)
  • Male 35, b. 1815 
  • Female 14, b. 1836
  • Female 5, b. 1845
  • Male 1, b. 1849
  • Female 2, b. 1848

Besides being a farmer, William H. Cureton was a “backcountry slave trader.” Such traders were small and largely rural, trading occasionally. Cureton partnered with a man named Elihu P. Smith of Spartanburg, another trader to sell an enslaved African. In 1841, Elihu borrowed $745 “in full pay for one Negro girl Jane and her child Caroline, which Negros I [William H. Cureton of Greenville, S.C.] warrant to be Sound in every Respect and slaves for life.” Elihu’s transaction was captured by his nephew, William James Smith, also a rural slave trader in James’ trading ledgers.

Among Smith’s papers is a receipt written by William H. Cureton from 1847 that read, “Received, Feb. 9, 1847 from Elihu P. Smith, two hundred and seventy-five dollars it being one half of the purchase money of a Negro man Stephen which we purchased jointly.” William Smith entrusted Stephen to his nephew and the “old man” was sold for $735 a year later. William Smith also conducted business with John M. Cureton Jr. according to letters directed to him.

By 1860, William H. Cureton’s personal wealth dramatically increased by three times to $15,725. Was his boost in fortune tied to profits from slave trading or perhaps exceptional productivity on the farm he worked with his younger brothers? It was probably a bit of both, as well as some fortune from an inheritance.

William H. was the executor of his father Abner’s estate around 1850. Abner and his brother, John Moon Cureton III migrated from Lunenburg to Greenville with their father over forty years before where they farmed and enslaved people on an industrial level as planters. Although Abner’s will did not leave any of his enslaved people to William, it directed that nine of them (four women and six children) be sold, while two men, Sandy and Andy, were passed to his widow, Matilda, and a girl to his daughter, Margaret. It’s likely the slave auction put money in the pockets of Abner’s sons. In comparison, Abner’s wife Matilda was only worth $2,500 according to the 1850 census.

William H.’s first cousin, Pascal Dacus Cureton, the son of John Cureton III, also inherited planting from his father and held 1,600 acres of land by 1850, valued at $15,000. This land was the remainder of his father’s estate. Pascal enslaved 76 people on his plantation next to Williams. However, by 1860, the number of people he enslaved had dropped to 32, likely due to a large sell-off. Again, I wonder if William H. was doing more extensive trading? Despite these changes, the adjoining Cureton plantations remained quite prosperous as they passed from fathers to sons.

The original home of John Moon Cureton Jr., William H.’s grandfather, today is known as the Cureton-Huff House and is on the National Register of Historic Places, and Inventory of Historical Places in South Carolina. Cureton was a prosperous farmer in Simpsonville and his house and farm are representative of the rural farmhouses and complexes of the time and region. The house in particular is representative of the vernacular building modes, construction technology, and limited stylistic awareness common to an upper-middle income farmer in a rural community. The house also retains noteworthy Federal stylistic elements in its woodwork. The plan of the house, originally a vernacular hall-and-parlor, was altered prior to the death of Cureton into a central hall plan. Both plans were common to the farmhouses of South Carolina in the antebellum era. The heavy timber-braced frame with its mortise-and-tenon joints, the beaded weatherboarding, and the small-paned window sash were representative features of such houses. Outbuildings on the property include a carriage house, a blacksmith shop, several barns and animal pens, two corn cribs, and a garage. The house was likely all built by slave labor. Most of the outbuildings date from the early twentieth century. The Cureton-Huff cemetery on site has a low stone wall. Listed in the National Register January 13, 1983, by an ancestor, the application stated that upon his death, John M. Cureton Jr. enslaved 75 people and his estate was over $28,000.

Home of John Moon Cureton, “Cureton-Huff House” is on the National Register of Historical Places, Greenville, SC.

In 1851, William H. Cureton sold 250 acres of land on the south side of the Reedy River near Wilson Ferry. By 1858, Cureton had become Commissioner of the Poor in Greenville, as reported in the Charleston Mercury. By 1860, his reported wealth was largely tied to the value of his 11 enslaved people, who ranged in age from 2 to 40, many of them males. A notable detail from the slave schedule is that of the 11 people listed, 5 were categorized as ‘mulatto,’ while the rest were listed as ‘Black.’ Several of the slaves were mixed-race, black and white.

According to the 1860 slave schedule, Cureton’s 11 enslaved included:

  • Male 40, black, b. 1820
  • Female 38, black, b. 1822 
  • Male 33, mulatto, b.1827
  • Female 20, black, b. 1840 
  • Female 14, mulatto, b. 1846 
  • Male 11, black, b. 1849
  • Male 9, mulatto, b. 1851
  • Male 7, mulatto, b. 1853
  • Male 3, black, b. 1859
  • Male 9, black b. 1851
  • Male 2, mulatto, b. 1858

About this time, William H. Cureton was still a bachelor. Given the age range of the ‘mulattos’ listed, it’s possible that one was a descendant of both Abner Heath Cureton and the other a descendant of William H. Cureton. The schedule seems to reflect only one or two enslaved families. Who were these mixed-race enslaved people and could I find out more about them after Emancipation when formerly enslaved were finally listed in the national census?

Interestingly, a Cureton ancestor shared in the book Soil Conservation, that General Sherman’s army camped on the plantation at the Cureton-Huff house where “some of his soldiers stood on the portico and shot chickens off the smokehouse.”

In 1870 after the Civil War, two households away from William H. Cureton, lived Eliza Cureton, age 49, b. 1821, a black woman born in Virginia, was head of household. Her household members according to the census were:

  • James, 24
  • David, 19
  • John T., 16
  • Ferdinand, 12
  • Christopher Columbus, 11
  • Emma, 6
  • Alice, 9

Their ethnicity was listed as black. However subsequent censuses record the ethnicity of Eliza and her children as mulatto. Some individuals in her household are her children, as supported in later documents. They include James, David, John T., Ferdinand, Emma, Alice.

Other records show Eliza also had two more daughters Sarah Anna York and Mary Frances also known as “Mamie”, and possibly another son named William M. Cureton. On the 1880 census, Sarah Anna’s last name is listed as ‘York’ which I initially thought to be the surname of a former husband. I eventually learned her siblings referred to their mother as ‘Eliza York.’

Contemporary African American descendants of Eliza York’s family share a fascinating oral lore about their origins. The story goes that William Henry Cureton did father children with his enslaved women, and not just one, but two enslaved families. The first family was with Eliza, the second was with his own biological daughter, Sarah Anna York. In a brazen act of incest and “breeding” common throughout slavery, William H.,  fathered several Eliza York’s children, as well as Sarah Anna’s children; Columbus, Alice, Emma, Ferdinand, and Lidia Cureton. Another oral story about Sarah’s mother stated that her daughter Mary Frances “Mamie” Sizer (nee’ Cureton) was the daughter of an Apache slavetrader, though this is clearly not true. On the oral history, I have not found any documented evidence that Sarah’s children were William’s. The family lore is still held however by the black descendants of William H. Cureton and Eliza York and maintained by several family historians, including Samuel Roberts, a descendant of William M. Cureton. Samuel has been researching for over thirty years and was the first to identify an 1865 Freedmen’s Bureau contract between William H. Cureton, and Eliza York (“Cureton” on the document) that named her children and showed her family structure. 

Of course, it’s also possible members of Eliza’s family, siblings, and parents may have been enslaved nearby, perhaps the adjoining plantation of Pascal D. Cureton. Pascal was first cousin of William H. Cureton and their fathers together ran an industrial-level operation using slaves on plantations and mills. There were likely very close ties between the enslaved communities on both plantations. It’s possible these enslaved families formed one interconnected community with familial bonds. However, mixed-race children of a planter would afford that enslaved family a higher status among their peers. We know for certain that Joe Sherman was enslaved on William H. Cureton’s plantation alongside William’s concubine and several of his mixed-race children. 

John T. Cureton, “mulatto” son of William H. Cureton and Eliza York. Image enhanced and colorized. Source. Samuel Roberts, Ancestry.com

On the 1880 census, it’s clear that these formerly enslaver and enslaved families remained living close to one another well after emancipation. Next door to William H. are two households headed by his mixed-race sons, their ethnicity listed as mulatto. John Cureton b. 1855 is likely the mulatto male b. 1853 in listed on the 1860 slave schedule. James Cureton, also mulatto, b. 1850 could be the other mulatto male b. 1851 according to the slave schedule. 

The surname York also appears on several related records. The first appearance of the surname is on the death certificate of Eliza’s mixed-race son, John T. Cureton (1854 –1928) which names ‘William Cureton’ as his father and ‘Eliza York’ as his mother. Here we also see the first record officially naming William H. Cureton as the progenitor of a mixed-race household that started in slavery.

Death certificate of John T. Cureton naming William Cureton and Eliza York as his parents.

Eliza’s daughter, Sarah Anna York lists her surname as York on the 1880, 1900, 1910, and 1920 census records. The last instance of the name is on the death certificate of Christopher Columbus Cureton (1858–1949), except he also lists ‘William Cureton’ as his father and ‘Mary York’ as his mother. This last detail conflicts with the oral history of the mixed-race descendants that declared Christopher was the son of Sarah Anna York and Wiliam H. Cureton. It appears he was Eliza’s son instead. Descendant research of the York-Cureton family doesn’t quite settle on whether Mary and Eliza were distinct individuals or the same person, but she is often referred to as “Eliza” York in family trees consistent with census records, which I use as well.

MARIE SHERMAN AND ELIZA YORK – SISTERS.

Was my ancestor Marie Sherman, related to Eliza York, the enslaved concubine of William H. Cureton?

There is very strong evidence to support this.  A search of my maternal DNA matches produced both white and black DNA cousins with Cureton surnames from Virginia and South Carolina in their family trees. We shared enough DNA to indicate that we had a common ancestor about 5 generations back for each of us. This could be one or more parents of Eliza York, one of whom we know likely had the surname “York.” 

We have the information from census records that state Marie Sherman was born in Virginia about 1830, and the records that show her husband Joe was later sold to the Cureton plantation by a man named Henry Sherman. The Cureton, Moon, and Walker families, early Greenville pioneers, were all originally from British colonial Lunenberg and Prince George Counties in Virginia. So was Marie also descended from a line of enslaved people who were forcibly migrated from Lunenburg to Greenville with the Curetons? Cureton DNA passed through Marie to her daughter Harriet Sherman and of course to her Mays descendants, including me.

Searching Ancestry.com and MyHeritage, I found several Black Ancestry DNA matches with ancestors from Greenville with the surname Cureton and Virginia roots. The genealogy tools predict that several of these matches were third cousins—one full and two half-cousins—and their family trees indicate they were direct descendants of Eliza York and William Cureton’s mixed-race son, James T. Cureton. The evidence points to a shared common ancestor, likely a fourth great-grandparent. That ancestor is at least one parent of Eliza York.

York and Cureton pedigree triangulation with Ancestry Thrulines tool demonstrating a common descendency from the York sisters, Eliza and Marie.

Another of my white descendent AncestryDNA matches with Cureton ancestors from Greenville is a direct descendant of Mary Cureton (1780-1849) and Col. Henry Tandy Walker (1779-1841). Recall Mary was the daughter of John Cureton Jr. and Sarah Moon. Mary Cureton and Col. Walker were the great aunt and uncle of William H. Cureton. Both were born in Lunenburg, Virginia and also migrated to Greenville where they were wed in the early 1800s. Here was an obvious genetic and kinship network of black and white, enslaver and enslaved, associated peoples from as early as the mid-1700s in Lunenburg through the Reconstruction period in Greenville, reflected in the modern DNA of their descendants – and I was among them!

If my ancestor, Marie Sherman, was born in Virginia, likely on the Cureton plantation in Lunenburg, could John Cureton Jr. or Abner Cureton have been the biological father of Marie and Eliza? If so, that would mean Marie and Eliza were both descendants of enslaved African Americans, the Cureton and the Moon families. 

Another fourth cousin AncestryDNA match traced directly back to Richard Moon of Lunenburg, the father of Gideon Moon, the patriarch of the Moon family that migrated to Greenville around the same time as the Curetons. Recall that Gideon’s daughter, Sarah, was William H. Cureton’s grandmother.

1866 Freedmens Bureau labor contract between William H. Cureton and Eliza York and children. Source. U.S. Freedmen’s Bureau Records 1865 – 1878.

Beyond DNA evidence, the paper trail widens during Reconstruction, when former enslavers entered into agreements with their formerly enslaved. For family historians, contracts created by the Freedmen’s Bureau are invaluable records, often serving as the first official documents to include the names of formerly enslaved individuals, and sometimes their enslavers. These records can reveal family connections, relationships with enslavers, and much more. They often document the first instances of compensation by enslavers after generations of forced and stolen labor. These agreements were a source of pride, dignity, and power that helped early freemen establish a foothold in society as farmers, landowners, and citizens. As I’ve shared, the family of Eliza York contracted with William H. Cureton in the immediate aftermath of the Civil War.


“William, Eliza and her children and Grandchildren “viz” Sarah, Mary, James and David and five small ones” on the first day of January 1866 in the consideration of their labor were to receive “board them and give them two suits and one pair of shoes each and one field to plant and cultivate in corn, supposed to be 14 acres, the said William to have one half and Eliza and her family the other half. Also one hog to William and three to Eliza and her family.”

The contract between William H. and Eliza York and her children shows that they did not remain in the concubinage relationship and likely ceased cohabiting. It may have ended after the birth of children, or even, if the stories are true after William sustained a relationship with Eliza’s daughter Sarah Anna over several years producing children. We can say the neither relationship could ever be fully consensual given the power imbalance between enslavers and their enslaved. No matter whether there was affection or love or even coupling out of convenience, Eliza and Sara Anna could never be free to make their own choices for themselves or their children. Perhaps it became untenable to Greenville society as well after the Civil War to change the status of his formerly enslaved black family through Eliza or Sarah Anna’s concubinage to something of a legal and voluntary status, or to change his status from bachelor to married to a black woman, who was formerly his enslaved. Either way, William H. made the decision not to marry Eliza, but instead his white widowed cousin. Sarah certainly never took the surname Cureton. Though Eliza did after emancipation, it’s telling that her children used the surname York in referring to her and not Cureton.

William H. Cureton ceased being a bachelor when he married Ann W. Cureton, the widowed sister of Pascal D. Cureton, his widowed neighbor sometime between 1860 and 1870. They supposedly had a daughter, Lillian, in 1867 but it’s doubtful given Ann’s age. She was probably an adopted relative. Lillian went to school in her early teens, moved away, married, and then died young in Oregon in 1897 without children.

Eliza’s and William H. Cureton’s children were listed as Wiliam Sarah, Mary, James, and David – the “five small ones” on the contract were Eliza’s grandchildren. William M. appears later in the household of William H.’s brother George Washington Cureton. After emancipation, the children of Eliza York remained in Grove District near Fork Shoals. The 1870 Agricultural census shows that Eliza and her sons farming produced 50 bushels of corn, and that they did indeed own 3 hogs. The 15 acres were worth about $720. Eliza seems to have died between 1880 and 1900, and doesn’t appear on the record after 1880.

William H. Cureton’s cousin Pascal also entered into a contract with several black freeman named to work his lands in exchange for provisions; Moses and his wife Harriet, Taylor, Albert, and William. Williams’ brother Thomas Jefferson Cureton did the same, forging a contract with Cicero Cureton and his wife Silva and daughter Hannah, also Isham Stokes and his wife Julia. William’s other brother George Washington entered into a contract with a freeman named Dale Johnson. While such contracts were hardly fair by today’s standards, the formerly enslaved were basically bartering for basic provisions, room and board, for continuing to farm or manage a kitchen, at least former enslavers for the first time in American history, had to deal with their former bondsmen in federally enforced labor contracts.

It is striking to see how the same people who enslaved blacks had to eventually negotiate with them to develop agreements to work their farms during Reconstruction, this after renouncing the Confederate States of America and several long years of bitter war. Most whites found it galling and an attack on their worldview of white supremacy to see blacks armed and marching in their streets, demanding education, pay and wages; this call for suffrage happened whilst newly freed blacks were also daily sharing complaints of abuse to the Freedmen’s Bureau. As was the case with William H. Cureton and Eliza York and her family, the former slaves of white planters, who in some cases were also biological family members, witnessed the complete upheaval of their centuries-old power structure and turned once again to the violence they were so accustomed too as enslavers. White leadership historically responded to this upending of their status with beatings, attacks, murders, and other forms of racial terror, leading to coups of local integrated South Carolina county governments that appeared to destroy the hope of Reconstruction.

Oral family history suggests William H. Cureton gave his mixed-race sons land. However, a thorough examination of land deeds in Greenville County shows he did not. According to the agricultural census John T. Cureton did farm 50 acres of land in 1880 but it was as a tenant farmer. By 1920, he did become a landowner under his own volition. His brother William M. Cureton owned land earlier by 1900. William M. could read but not write. John T. could read and write by 1880. More family lore about William H. Cureton states he may have had a third enslaved family in Anderson County. However, I can find no evidence of this either, nor can I find court records or deeds suggesting he ever lived in any other county other than Greenville. There were Curetons in Anderson. John T. Cureton raised and family in Anderson and passed away there intestate (without a will) in 1928.

There are examples of enslavers heading enslaved families throughout antebellum American history. We can not know the details of Eliza York and William H. Cureton’s relationship. Was it a loving marriage of equals? Almost certainly not.

William H. could have freed Eliza and his mixed-race children outright. He did not. After emancipation and the arrival of the Freedmen’s Bureau, he could have gifted land to Eliza and his his children. He did not. In fact, he made them all sign contracts with the Freedmen’s Bureau to enforce their continued servitude on his land. William H. might have rented parcels of lands to some of his mixed-race children to farm, but there’s no evidence of that either.

Eliza York could have left Grove with her children upon gaining her freedom fully in 1865 after the war, but instead she stayed nearby. Her sons John and James were bound to the land as tenant farmers. Another son, William M. Cureton, appears to have had a tougher time. After removing to Anderson County he was arrested for larceny and spent 2 years in prison. William H. died intestate, without a will, in 1893 and is buried in the cemetery at Sandy Springs Baptist Church in Pelzer, Greenville. It’s unclear who received his estate (his white wife Ann and daughter Lillian?) or if it was simply auctioned off. I haven’t found administration records for the estate yet. His wife Ann died 7 years later.

Tragically, I don’t know where Eliza York is buried either. Joe and Marie Sherman are likely buried at Mt. Pleasant Baptist Church in Gantt, a black church co-founded by the Mays family.

The period immediately after the enslaved gained their freedom was volatile and dangerous. Complaints and reports by blacks of brutalization, beatings, and extrajudicial murders – lynchings perpetrated by their white neighbors were high. In Greenville in October of 1865, a free man named George, who was formerly enslaved by George Washington Cureton, brother to William H. Cureton, was murdered, shot in the heart. The local police, reminiscent of the slave patrols, invaded his home after midnight according to a Coroner’s inquest. George defending himself swung an axe, cutting the throat of one of the men. The others testified they shot George immediately out of self-defense. It’s unclear why the patrollers broke into George’s home seeking him to begin with, but clearly, he was afraid for his life. Defending his freedom cost him his life.

Looking for work and escape from racial terror, some of the black Curetons followed their children on the Great Migration north and west to Ohio, Pennsylvania, Indiana, Michigan, New York, and even further. Still, many remained under the brutally repressive Jim Crow era rooted to the Piedmont.

Resilience defined the relationships of the enslaved and newly freed. Eliza’s sister Marie found a partner under the crushing yoke of slavery in Joe Sherman. There’s no evidence of a wedding, but I imagine Marie and Joe “jumped the broom” as was tradition, and together they had a child, my great-great grandmother Harriet while they slaved away in a Cureton mill or field. Harriet Sherman and her parents would become eventually be freed and thus, Harriet could marry Jim Mays, on her own terms.

THE MAYS AND YORKS CONNECT.

With the insight and DNA evidence that Marie Sherman was a York, I reexamined my Sherman and Mays family trees. I soon discovered more documented ties between the York and Sherman families through blood and marriage. My great granduncle Benjamin “Frank” Mays married a York!

Eliza York’s daughter, Sarah Anna York (b.1840 – about 1920) had several children, supposedly with William H. Cureton. They were reported as Columbus, Ferdinand, Alice, and Lydia (also spelled Lidia and Lidy). Sarah York appears on the 1880, 1900, 1910, and 1920 census. Sarah’s children were in her mother Eliza’s household during the 1870 census but she was missing. The 1870 census did not have a field for family relationships. 

Sarah Anna York (1841 – 1920), daughter of Eliza York and William H. Cureton. Image, enhanced and colorized. Source. Samuel Roberts, Ancestry.com

However, in 1880, Sarah York, age 39, is found in the household of her daughter Alice, age 18, who has since married William Mattison “Matt” Garrett, age 25, in the Gantt district just north of Grove. Sarah’s youngest daughter Lydia, age 12,  is also living with her sister and brother-in-law. Columbus and Ferdinand were in their own households. Further confirming the York Sherman ties, next door to Matt and Alice lives Marie Sherman (nee’ York), Sarah’s aunt! Marie, age 50, is widowed and living with her two eldest sons Tandy, age 20, and Henry, age 17.

Around 1895, Lydia married my great-granduncle Frank Mays, and by the 1900 census can be found living in the Gantt district. Sarah is found living with Lydia and Frank! Lydia died in 1920 childless and Frank Mays remarried at which Sarah moved out of the household. Frank was also Lydia’s first half-cousin 3x removed, and the son of my great-great grandparents Jim Mays and Harriet Sherman, grandson of Marie Sherman (nee’ York), grandnephew of Eliza York.

Sarah Anna York is last found on the 1920 census at the age of 78 living in Garvin, in Anderson County near the city of Pendleton. She was living with her granddaughter Myrtle and her husband Pinkney Bruce. Myrtle was the first daughter of Emma V. Cureton. Sarah appears to have passed away sometime after 1920. I’m not surprised Sarah kept her surname York throughout her life, however, her children did use the surname Cureton, lending some credibility to the claim that they may were fathered by William H. Cureton.

With a clearer understanding of the Curetons, it was time to shift my attention to Joseph Sherman’s first enslaver, Henry Sherman.

THE Planter & Teacher.

The enslaver Henry Sherman, who sold my ancestor Joe Sherman to William Henry Cureton, first purchased a significant amount of land in Greenville in 1833 from Major George Seaborn, paying $2,500 for 500 acres stretching from Bakers Creek on the Reedy River to Golden Grove in the Grove District. Sherman may have arrived after 1830, as he does not appear in the 1830 census for the area.

Major George Seaborn, a planter born and raised in Greenville, was the son of George Seaborn Sr., who enslaved seventeen people in 1820. It is not surprising George Jr. followed in his father’s footsteps, becoming a successful domestic slave trader. By 1840, he enslaved seven people on his own farm, according to census records. Around 1850, Seaborn moved to the town of Pendleton in nearby Anderson County and founded the influential journal Farmer and the Planter, which was widely advertised in South Carolina newspapers. The journal featured reprints and original articles on topics ranging from cotton farming and animal husbandry to advice on managing enslaved people. Seaborn also served as Secretary and Treasurer of the State Agricultural Society. His success in farming and the slave trade made him a wealthy man.

The land Henry Sherman acquired from Maj. Seaborn in Greenville was adjacent to property owned by David T. Cureton, who enslaved at least ten people on his plantation.

Henry Sherman probably arrived in Greenville between 1830 and 1833, purchased land from Major Seaborn, then was appointed postmaster in Sterling Grove in 1837. Sherman, Pascal Cureton, and J. Moon are signatories to a “Petition to Amend the Laws on Usury made by the Citizens of Greenville” in the 1830s further demonstrating the closeness of this planter community.

According to the 1840 census, Henry Sherman was between 30 and 39 years old, probably born between 1810 and 1819. He was married with two children under 9 in the household. Sherman owned three slaves, one man between 10 and 23, and two females between 10 and 23 years old. According to The Centennial Celebration of Northborough (Massachusetts), “George and Henry Sherman who taught school many years in Greenville, SC. were natives of this town.” I confirmed this in the 1850 census where George’s birthplace was listed as Massachusetts, and his occupation as “school teacher.” Just a few years before, the Greenville Mountaineer reported Henry Sherman of Northborough Massachusetts had married Miss Caroline M., daughter of Philip Evans of the District in April 1832.

Massachusetts ended slavery in 1783 however much of its fortune was still fueled by the importation of cotton to textile mills. Even though Worcester, the largest town close to Northborough outside of Boston became a center of industry and abolition, the Shermans were drawn south and there found farming and slave-owning a business worth pursuing.

In 1842 Henry Sherman sold 300 acres of his land on Grove Creek to James Pickett. Sherman appears in several records between 1800 and 1849, including as a witness to a neighbor’s will. In 1845 with Pascal D. Cureton, Abner Cureton’s nephew, also Henry witnessed the sale of nearby land, showing he was a contemporary and neighbor of the Cureton clan. A year later, another land deal, one that failed, further connected my enslaved maternal ancestors to Sherman.

In April 1838, George and Henry Sherman became indebted to Col. William Choice for $500. George, who was regarded as insolvent, was the principal on the note to Col. Choice, while Henry was solvent. To settle a judgment against him, Henry negotiated a second $500 loan from Laurence Lenhardt, securing it with a note and a mortgage on 250 acres of his land. The judgment against Henry remained unsatisfied. Sherman could not pay Lenhardt back and in May 1848, the Greenville sheriff levied 150 acres of Sherman’s land to collect the debt, with Lenhardt attempting to force Franklin Wynne who signed a surety on the mortgage into a payment arrangement that was rejected. Lenhardt then went on to pursue the property of Wynne, indicating a continuous effort to exploit the judgment against Sherman.

Sherman wasn’t alone in this financial struggle; George Sherman and Benjamin Franklin Wynne were also bound by the debts they owed to Laurence Lenhardt, a planter and miller. George Sherman and Franklin Wynne appeared to reside in nearby Brushy Creek in Anderson County. I found numerous court records showing his creditors were coming after him and his brother George. His guarantor Wynne felt duped by Henry Sherman’s various loan schemes and sued him.

Henry Sherman’s mounting debts forced him into a desperate gamble. To clear his portion of the debt, in 1846, Henry began liquidating his assets. He mortgaged all the land he owned, including the land he lived on, and gave a bond to Lenhardt for “all that tract of land whereon I now live, containing 250 acres more or less, situated in Greenville District in the State aforesaid, on the waters of Grove Creek.” Sherman made the bond in the presence of two prominent Greenvillians, Col. William Choice and Jesse Gilreath.

Col. Choice, Jesse Gilreath, and Laurence Lenhardt are familiar names in the Mays-Sherman family story! Through previous research, I learned that immediately after the Civil War, my eldest enslaved ancestors from Greenville, Alec Choice and Sylvia Choice (née Few), were living “in destitution” on Lenhardt’s Grove plantation, according to Freedmen’s Bureau records. The Bureau worked to identify people in urgent need of supplies, particularly the elderly, sick, or poor—both Black and white—across the South. Alec was likely enslaved on the Choice plantation, and Sylvia on the Few plantation, initially in the O’Neal District. Sylvia was the grandmother of my great-great-grandfather, Jim Mays. Jim Mays was the father of Ben Franklin Mays who married Lydia York, Sarah York’s second daughter, reputedly with William H. Cureton. As noted in The Mays: Early Origins of Mays of Greenville, the Mays family descends from the Gilreaths. Joe Sherman’s son-in-law, Jim Mays, was the grandson of Hardy Jones Gilreath.

While Henry Sherman’s enslaved people were not part of the initial deal witnessed by Col. Choice and Jesse Gilreath, Sherman was in significant debt and so mortgaged his enslaved people, using his land and property as collateral for repayment to various creditors. This indicates that Sherman was at least acquainted with other enslavers of my ancestors; many were prominent members of the Greenvillians. This shows that the kinship network between enslavers in a community like Greenville, also extended to their enslaved, from plantation to plantation.

In 1846, Sherman continued to clear his debts which included a $400 note with Edmund Waddell, then he mortgaged Jo and Peter, two of his enslaved to William H. Cureton. I do not believe he ever repaid the debt and thus Jo and Peter became permanent property of Cureton. Joseph Sherman, my 3x great-grandfather, became a Cureton asset.

In 1849, Henry Sherman sold another 250 acres on “the waters of Grove creek” for $1200 to one David McCullough. In February 1850, Sherman continued to liquidate his assets and he turned back to his enslaved. He mortgaged his enslaved woman and her child, “Sarah aged twenty-two and her infant Phillis about four months old,” to Matthew Tyler Hudson of Rocky Creek in Greenville for the sum of $400.

The enslaved woman Sarah was 6 years younger than my ancestor Joe, born about 1827. Was she related to Joe or Peter Sherman, perhaps a sister, maybe a spouse?

Matthew Tyler Hudson (1791 – 1863) was a farmer and enslaver with 15 people in bondage on his farm according to the 1850 Slave Schedule taken in November of that year. Sadly, a 22 year old woman and 1 year old infant do not appear among the anonymous hashmarks of the schedule. Did Sarah and Phillis ever arrive on the Hudson farm at all or did they remain with Henry Sherman, only mortgaged to Hudson? When Hudson passed, he directed his estate be appraised and split between his wife and children but no mention of his enslaved.

I can find no further records for Sarah or Phillis, or Peter Sherman in records. Since I learned William H. Cureton was a part-time slave trader, was Henry? Were they sold away like Jane, Caroline, and Stephen? I would like to find them.

Henry Sherman may have climbed out of debt and left the area, perhaps to Anderson County with his brother George, because he and his family no longer appear on the records in Greenville after 1850. Over nearly 20 years, Sherman’s efforts to farm with the enslaved labor, probably using Major Seaborne’s famous farming techniques based on how to be a model plantation owner, slave driver, and farmer, had utterly failed him.

THe SHERMAN STORY IS the YORK STORY.

In reviewing my theory about the origins of my great-great-great grandparents Joe and Marie Sherman, I have uncovered telltale patterns of the enslaved-enslaver relationship through genetic clusters of Black and white DNA cousins, aligning with the paper trail of associated planter families and their enslaved spanning from Virginia to South Carolina. These families, in the Grove and Gantt districts, as well as the O’Neal district, had documented interrelations across plantations through marriage, business, and migration.

I also have evidence of genetic ancestry linking my family to at least three of these antebellum Greenville families: the Choice, Walker, and Cureton families. I have shown that the black Curetons are indeed ancestors and connected to my Sherman family through the marriage of a sister, Marie, formerly unknown to the many descendants of William H. Cureton and Eliza York.

Joe Sherman and Marie York named two of their children Henry and Tandy Walker. Were they named after William M. Cureton’s sons, Henry and Tandy, or more likely after Col. Henry Tandy Walker, Abner Cureton’s brother-in-law? If Marie York first served in the Cureton household, rather than in the fields, she would have had intimate knowledge of the Cureton family and their extended relations, or she may have learned these details through her sister Eliza York, who was William H. Cureton’s concubine.

1882 Grove district map in Greenville County featuring land of white Curetons.

In one scenario, I imagine my ancestor Joe Sherman, once enslaved by Henry Sherman, emerging from the plantation in 1865 after working the land for the Cureton family for nearly 20 years. Joe met his wife, Marie York, who was also enslaved on the Cureton plantation. They had their first child, Harriet, on the farm in 1848. Although Joe may have been separated from his family on the Sherman plantation, it’s possible he had a sibling named Peter on the Cureton farm too. Joe was fortunate that Henry Sherman did not sell him further south to feed ‘King Cotton’ and clear his debts. Peter may not have survived, as there is no record of him after emancipation. Joe survived and maintained ties to his community in Grove. It was Joe and Marie’s hard labor, along with that of other enslaved people and families on the farm that built the wealth and success of William H. Cureton.

DNA research suggests that Marie York’s ancestor was white or mixed-race, likely a Cureton. Marie York may have been the enslaved biological daughter of Abner Cureton, whose family migrated from Lunenburg, Virginia, to Greenville, South Carolina along with the Moons’. Marie’s sister, Eliza York, became the enslaved concubine of William H. Cureton, and together they had at least four children. Marie’s grandson, Frank Mays, would later marry his cousin, Lydia York.

Eliza was not without agency. The dynamics of slavery always reveal the porosity of boundaries, especially the notion of what was a “traditional” family. William H. maintained his enslaved family and did not take a wife until the schism of the Civil War. I can only imagine the pressure the split between the North and South created on white men and enslaved African women who were in illegal relationships. This war likely threatened the ability of Eliza to keep her family together. What kind of negotiations did she have to make? When William H. finally took a white wife, a relation, how did the household dynamics shift? I am hopeful there is a Cureton history, a plantation book, diary, or bible, that William H. left behind to further shine a light on this fascinating family history.

Marie Sherman (widowed) lived next door to her niece Sarah York and Sarah’s children Alice and Lidia in 1880 in the Gantt district of Greenville.

The mixed-race children of Eliza York became a large and diverse family after emancipation spread out over Greenville and Anderson counties. Today, African American Cureton descendants still hold reunions with family traveling from over a dozen states. The Cureton family is well documented and researched, and I hope the inclusion of Joseph Sherman and Marie York in the family history will help them better understand their connection to the Mays-Sherman family of Greenville and why Eliza’s daughter Sarah York moved with her daughter Lydia Mays (nee’ York) to the Gantt District. My research revealed that William H., also known by his children as “Bocto” – the white patriarch of the Cureton family was a farmer, miller, and confirmed slave trader. I was able to document him as the father of at least one member of his enslaved family.

And what of York? Was the surname derived from Eliza’s father? York is a common male first name. A search of the South Carolina Department of Archives for the name York (slave) generates no fewer than 142 instances across a dozen counties. And of course, York was a county in South Carolina as well. For now, the name remains a mystery. Eliza was born in Virginia and the county of York was derived from Charles Rivershire and is a tidewater community bordering Williamsburg and Newport News, west of Lunenburg county where the Cureton family was settled. Was York enslaved on the John Moon Cureton’s plantation near John’s son William? We may never know.

Soon new tools fueled by AI will provide even more access to our shared history locked away in obscure archives, identifying migration patterns for entire family lines based on scans of land deeds, census, and other data. I’m particularly excited to see more databases at FamilySearch become fully searchable by their AI tool. As documents are digitized and share, our understanding of how deeply interwoven the relationships were between our antebellum ancestors – those who were born and lived before the end of slavery, enslavers and the enslaved, kith and kin. Now, with genetic genealogy, traditional research methods, and AI-enhanced full-text search, previously indecipherable documents buried in obscure archives are becoming searchable, word by word. These advances highlight the importance of researching not only our direct ancestors but their entire community—their friends and neighbors—to break down the 1870 census ‘brick wall’ for African Americans.

Many Black families, including that of my great grandfather Van Matthew Mays, left the Jim Crow South for Ohio, carrying with them traditions that connected them to their kin back on the farm. Today, we have a deeper understanding of those connections. Recovering history and unraveling the complex web of familial relationships is now more achievable thanks to the digitization of family records, where key documents can unlock an entirely new understanding of our past, like the bill of sale of ‘Jo’ by Henry Sherman to William H. Cureton.

SOURCES.

Cureton, Abner H. Of Greenville District, Will. Mss Will: Will Book C, Pages 316-319; Estate Packet: Apt 12, File 48. South Carolina Department of Archives and History, 3 Mar. 1850.

Roberts, Samuel, Snr. The History of the Cureton Family. 2018.

Thompson, Pat. “I Came By Way of Somebody.” Family history of Mays, Sherman, Ladson. 2004. 6th Edition.

“Greenville, South Carolina, United States records,” “Mortage of Negroes, William H. Cureton, Henry Sherman” Images, FamilySearch.

“A full descriptive map and sketch of Greenville Co.” Kyzer, Paul B., 1882. Library of Congress, http://hdl.loc.gov/loc.gmd/g3913g.la000837, accessed Jul. 2024.

“Citizens Of Greenville District, Petition To Amend The Laws On Usury.” South Carolina Department of Archives, accessed Apr. 2024.

Ancestry.com. U.S., Freedmen’s Bureau Records, 1865-1878 [database online]. Lehi, UT, USA: Ancestry.com Operations, Inc., 2021.

“Will of Abner Heath Cureton.” Ancestry.com, accessed October 2024. 

Boddie, John Bennett, ed. Historical Southern Families, Vol. XIX. Genealogical Publishing Co., 1980.

“The Mays: Early Origins of Mays of Greenville.” Struggle and Progress, 2024, https://struggleandprogress.com/2024/09/08/the-early-origins-of-the-mays-of-greenville/

Adams, John Q. Backcountry Slave Trader: William James Smith’s Enterprise, 1844–185. Louisiana State University Press, 2019.

“Bill of Sale, Henry Sherman, William H. Cureton,” Greenville, South Carolina, United States records, FamilySearch,  accessed October 2024.

Crittenden, Charles E. The Greenville Century Book: Commemorating One Hundred Years of Progress. Greenville Chamber of Commerce, 1931.

Soil Conservation. U.S. Department of Agriculture, Soil Conservation Service, 1963.

The Centennial Celebration of the Town of Northborough, 1866. Published by Order of the Town, 1866.

The Mays Family: Early Origins of the Mays of Greenville

PART 1. The Name is the Clue.

Moon’s Place in the O’Neal District.

What’s in a name? To African Americans descended from enslaved people who were in turn descended from free people in West Africa of many nations, everything. African names did not just signify personal identity, but tribal and regional identity as well; the Yoruba, Wolof, Mandinka, Akan, Fon, and Igbo were all different ethnic groups stolen and sold into slavery, each with different languages and cultures. There were many Africans with Portuguese names sold into slavery who had converted to Catholicism and spoke Portuguese as Portugal was the first European enslaver in West Africa. During the 400 years of slavery, as African names were stripped away, enslaved peoples were given first Spanish, then English names as a practical management tool over an expanding global workforce of colonization and dispossession. Over time, even surnames were omitted to further leash the slave to the master. Escaped slaves or slaves sold away might take a new name but incorporate a geographical place as a way of reclaiming power over their identity. They might also take the name in the hopes they might find a way home someday to families they were forced to leave behind. After Emancipation, the freeing of over 3 million black people mostly in the South, a few blacks renamed themselves but most kept the surname of a former enslaver. This is where the surname Mays originates in my mother’s paternal family.

The Mays Family of Cleveland. Art O’Neal Mays, third from left, standing, about 1944, grandson of Jim Mays of Greenville, formerly enslaved between 1847 and 1865.

I’ve learned that the very name of my late grandfather Arthur O’Neal Mays (1913 – 2001) holds a secret to the origins of our earliest recorded Mays family origins. That clue connects several families from antebellum Greenville, South Carolina, black and white. The Mays, Walker, Few, Gilreath surnames align on the paternal Mays line recovered from dusty archives and digital databases, and years of genealogy sleuthing. My grandfather’s unusual middle name O’Neal is a compass of sorts pointing backwards in time, across generations to a time not long after the revolution in the piedmont of South Carolina. Art, as my grandfather was called, was born in Greenville in the Gantt District in 1913 on his grandmother Harriet May’s farm to Van Mays and Elivra Higdon. His grandfather Jim was born about 1847, enslaved. Jim passed away 3 years before Art’s death at the age of 63. Art was just 6 years old when his parents joined the Great Migration out of the South, leaving behind the crippling life of Jim Crow with all its indignities for black people, for the promise of industrial jobs and more opportunity in the North. Though the Mays landed in Cleveland, new research has revealed the earliest geographical location of the African American Mays on record, and their earliest enslavers. By combining traditional document-based research and genetic genealogy of several “genetic networks” between white and black lineages in 18th-century South Carolina, I cracked a code to a cypher passed down through generations.

My maternal grandfather, Art O’Neal Mays, 1937, (l) Art O’Neal Mays (r) about 1980.

In the ancestral hunting lands of the Cherokee, a few miles north of Greenville, just east of Paris Mountain, renamed for Richard Pearis the early loyalist settler, is a fertile set of valleys along the Saluda Gap, nestled between the Enoree River and South Tyger River. Not far from the main highway between Greenville and Spartanburg, the area was populated by independent communities made up of farms, mills, and plantations and towns like Milford, Chick Springs, and Traveler’s Rest, but at their center was an area first known as “Moonville.” Today, the manmade Lake Robinson covers the fields and cabins of several plantations my ancestors were forced to cultivate for several different white enslavers in the Blue Ridge along the Tyger River. The antebellum farms were led by the Few, Walker, Gilreath, and Mays families. These high land millers, planters, and farmers adopted enslaved labor to carve out a life in the mountainous and cool valleys along the northern border of South Carolina, far from the hot swampy lowcountry around Charleston. In fact, Greenville and the surrounding area became known for its resorts for wealthy Charleston elites trying to beat the heat. The springs, hollers, and woods were first and second homesteads, and eventually the foundation for a new community spread across the many districts.

In 1825 the “Greenville” district was expansive stretching from the Saluda River to the edge of the Glassy Mountains in the Blue Ridge. Spartanburg was to the East. Over time, Greenville was subdivided into 15 districts. The Northern districts included Bates, Cleveland, Highland, Glassy Mountain, Greer, and Saluda…and O’Neal. Here was my grandfather’s middle name, pointing to a Greenville District I had never heard of before.

O’Neal District was named for John Belton O’Neal (1793-1863), a judge for South Carolina’s supreme court. O’Neal famously wrote “The Negro Law of South Carolina” in 1848 preaching humane treatment of the enslaved. Yet in his hypocrisy, the Judge held in bondage over 150 Africans himself. Of course, the book was denounced by the planter class and elites as abolitionist drivel.

John Belton O’Neal, in office. Author, “The Negro Law of South Carolina.”

I have written about how I used both genetic and traditional genealogy to unearth the identity of my 4x maternal grandmother Mariah Walker (1825 – d. before 1900), originally enslaved in Greenville, South Carolina. Mariah was the mother of two sets of families; the Mays and Walkers. The Mays boys came first and included her sons Sam Mays (1843 – d. after 1900), Oliver Mays (1845 – d. after 1900), and my great-great-grandfather Jim Mays (1847 – 1910). I discovered this largely by researching genetic connections with DNA matches on Ancestry.com, and exploring family history records of associated families. Mariah’s second family, according to various records was with a man named Pleasant Walker (1825 – d. about 1890). Together they had 10 more children between 1852 and 1871.

In conversations with my late cousin Pat Thompson (1939 – 2024), our Mays and Sherman family historian, she often lamented not being able to go further than Jim Mays. Family lore suggested Jim did not even know the identity of his parents himself. Though I’m currently researching the Mays, I couldn’t do it without my Walker descendant cousins testing on Ancestry that helped recover Jim’s connection to his mother Mariah. My research over the last several years debunked that myth and recovered important details during the period of Reconstruction after the Civil War. First, Jim and his family appear on the record living in the Gannt District, southeast of downtown Greenville as farmers – living close by both his mother’s first and second families, the Mays and Walkers. Henry Mays lived next door in 1870 and by 1880 Mariah and her family also lived on the White Horse Pike in Gannt. Both families also came together to found Mt. Pleasant Church on White Horse Pike during the turn of the century. The Mays and Walkers even had a funeral home business together in the early 1900s in Greenville. I imagined the condition of the Mays sons’ father was probably challenging. He was either a white man or an enslaved mulatto. The exact history of the lineage faded as the family turned away from the painful legacy of slavery. Or Jim’s family simply held a secret so close that their descendants did not speak about it.

According to cousin Pat Thompson and other researchers, the Mays family origins were associated with a Greenville plantation near “Moons.” Exactly which Moon’s, was however unclear. Records in historic Greenville newspapers show “Moonville” may have referred to multiple villages around Greenville rooted in different plantations owned by related enslavers with the surname Moon. Several plantations across Greenville owned by members of the Moon family who originally settled in the area in the early 1800s by William Moon (1768 – 1833), son of Gideon Moon Sr. (1720 – 1781). The Moons were originally from Lunenburg, Virginia. Their extensive holdings and plantations in Virginia, and then South Carolina’s highlands from Grove to Mountain View, began first across none other than the O’Neal District, before expanding to Grove and Gannt Districts.


O’Neal District section, Greenville District, 1825. F. Lucas, Jr. for Mill’s Atlas. Moon’s (farm) is on Saluda Gap State Road, southwest of the South Fork of the Tyger River.

I had learned the name O’Neal references a Greenville district, and now, the Moons could be found in the very same district! Two areas of interest quickly emerged. The first was “Moonville Gin” on Saldua Gap State Road about 15 miles north of Greenville near Greer (now Highway 101), known first as “Moon’s Place.” Newspapers also mentioned “Moonville” about 9 miles south of Greenville in Piedmont which seemed too far. Were the Mays from Moonville in O’Neal, from an actual Moon family plantation?

Returning to my grandfather’s paternal family surname, I started combing maps of the area for farmsteads owned by a Mays family. Though there were several planters with the surname “Mays or Mayes” across Greenville throughout the 1800s, my research showed only one of them lived adjacent to a plantation owned by Gideon Moon, son of William Moon, the source of “Moon’s Place” in O’Neal. His full name? James Mays, born in England, he was a naturalized immigrant who lived in O’Neal district from about 1820 to 1865. He bore the same name as my 3x grandfather. None of these discoveries felt random, each felt like breadcrumbs leading me down a path.

Given the names and location, I knew I had found the right Moonville. I wanted to understand the entire community, to learn about this Englishman James Mays, his friends and neighbors, planters, millers, slave, and free. This “Moonville” along the South Fork of the Tyger River could hold vital information about Jim Mays and his family. I would need to thoroughly examine James Mays’ life and those of his neighbors. During the circuitous route family history research often takes, and after many months, I was surprised to find that Mariah Walker’s origins did indeed begin in O’Neal, but not on the Moon plantation, and not with James Mays. It began on the plantation of their neighbor just upriver, a man named William Few.

Mariah and Sylvia on the Few plantation.

I first hypothesized that Jim Mays’ mother, my 4x maternal grandmother Mariah’s maiden name was “Choice” in an article I wrote 5 years ago, The mays Family, One Step Closer to Home. I based my assumption on records about her eldest family members found on the 1870 household census. In the years after the fall of the Confederacy, when traditional planter life in the South was upended by the emancipation of millions of enslaved people, free black families were desperate to reunite. If they didn’t know where to find each other they asked agents in the new Freedmen’s Bureau to enquire; their pastors and community leaders placed thousands of ads in newspapers asking for the whereabouts of kin sold away. Though there is no official record listing Mariah’s surname as Choice, the elders in the 1870 census enumeration of the Mariah and Pleasant Walker families included Alec Choice and Sylvia Choice. I presumed Alec and Sylvia were Mariah’s parents and not her husband Pleasant Walker’s parents based on the surname. The elder Choices were also married and had been living in destitution on a plantation in Gantt District, according to the Freedmen’s Bureau records.

The Bureau for the Relief of Freedmen and Refugees task in Reconstruction America was to provide food, shelter, clothing, medical services, and land to displaced rural and impoverished Southerners, including newly freed Africans. According to the website Lowcountry Africana, “The major activities of the Freedmen’s Bureau in South Carolina generally resembled those conducted in other states. The Bureau issued rations and provided medical relief to both freedmen and white refugees, supervised labor contracts between planters and freedmen, administered justice, and worked with benevolent societies in the establishment of schools.” South Carolinian Freedmen were in dire need at the war’s end. “By mid-summer 1865, with help from the offices of the Commissary General of the Army, the Quartermaster General, and the Surgeon General, Saxton provided more than 300,000 rations, clothing, and medical supplies to nearly 9,000 destitute persons.” The Bureau also made tens of thousands of new records of the suddenly free Black population of South Carolina.

List of Destitute in Reed’s Beat, Greenville District, Freedmen’s Bureau. Aleck and Sylvia Choice, colored are “infirm” counted twice, reported living at Lenhart Mills (in Gantt District) about 1865.

Based on his surname, Alec Choice may have come off the plantation of a prominent Greenville planter named Col. William Choice Jr. (1796-1877). Col. Choice was the son of a Revolutionary War soldier who settled in Greenville in 1784. The Choices were all enslavers. After the Civil War, Alec and Sylvia were first listed on a record by the Freedmen’s Bureau living in destitution on a plantation in the Gantt District. They were already quite old. Alec was first listed as 65 years old, then 75. By the 1870 census, which was self-reported, he declared himself to be 100 and native born in Africa. Sylvia was 60 years old and together they had moved into the home of Mariah and Pleasant Walker. However, a surprising document made 67 years later showed I had more to learn about Sylvia.

In a 1937 Social Security application by Mariah Pleasant’s son John T. Walker, he wrote that his mother’s maiden name was actually “Few.” Because surnames of formerly enslaved were often the same as an enslaver, it was an indication that Alec or Sylvia had a one-time enslaver named Few. This simple name became another incredible detail that would unlock Mariah’s origin story. Like the name O’Neal, I looked for connections in the O’Neal District. I looked for the name Few.

Examining the planters of the Moonville neighborhood on O’Neal District maps throughout the 1800s, I immediately found the name Few on farms, a chapel, even a bridge across the Tyger River. The prominent Few family established themselves in Greenville around 1820 after he migrated from Orange County, North Carolina. The Fews also lived upriver of Moon’s Place, and the English American miller named James Mays! The Few homestead was on the northerly border of O’Neal and stretched into the High Land District along the South Fork of the Tyger River. Led by William Few (1771 – 1853) and his wife Susannah (maiden name’ Tubbs), the earliest Fews in the region were farmers and enslavers. William Few was the son of the infamous James Few, known as “the Regulator,” a pre-American Revolution insurrectionist who was hung by the Tories (English loyalists in America).

James Few was also the grandnephew of William Few Jr., (1748 -1828) a signer of the Constitution at the Continental Congress. There is evidence of the Few family holdings all over O’Neal; slaves on Slave Schedules; land, all over maps of the area including Few’s Chapel and Few’s Bridge on the Tyger river, now just north of the artificial Lake Robinson. Few’s Bridge was built with slave labor and later covered. Newspaper articles revealed that Few’s Chapel was the result of Reverend William Patton preaching at William Few’s log home in 1833 where the family went through a religious conversion. Though Patton was an abolitionist, William Few did not free his slaves. Most likely, Few’s enslaved would have been forced to worship alongside the family. The permanent church was built in 1874 on land donated by Few’s sons.

Section of Map of Greenville, O’Neal District section, by William Hudson. Few’s Church, Milford Church are along the South Fork of the Tyger River.

The Fews were Quakers who purportedly came from England with William Penn, and the family was said to originally hail from Wales. William Few and Susannah Tubbs permanently settled in Greenville around 1832, but they had several children before arriving in South Carolina as well.

William Few Sr. and Susannah (Tubbs) known children were: 

  • Sarah Few,  (m. John Donahue)
  • James Few, b. 1790 – 1860 (m. Lucinda West)
  • Malinda Few, b. 1796 -1867
  • William Few Jr., b. 1797 -1848 (m. Sarah Ferguson)
  • Rachel Few, b. 1797 – 1883 (m. Kendrick)
  • Matilda Few, b. 1800 – aft. 1850 (m. John Weaver
  • Mary Elizabeth “Betsy” Few, b. 1801 -1897 (m. Vinson Jenkins)
  • Susannah Few, b. 1803 – 1884  (m. Alston W. Kendrick)
  • Benjamin Few, b. 1805 – 1888 (m. 1st Mary Bramlett, 2nd Elizabeth Woodward)
  • Ignatius B. Few, b. 1807 – 1890 (m. Axy Few)
  • Ephraim L. Few, b. 1810 – 1885 (m. 1st Elizabeth Bramlett, 2nd Amanda Loftis)
  • Mary, b. 1812 – (m. John H. Walker)
  • Levina Few, b. 1813 – 1885 (m. 1st John P. Shockley, 2nd Robert Tomason)

Susannah Tubbs-Few died in 1816. William Few remarried. With his second wife Nancy Chastain (1789 – d. after 1834) he had two more children:

  • Martha “Patsy” Few, b. 1823 – 1878 (m. William H. Gilreath)
  • Celia Few, b. 1817 – 1885  (m. Allen Reese)

To more thoroughly explore this planter family, I wondered if I could once again rely on the wills and probate records of enslavers who died before emancipation to connect my ancestors to their plantation. Slaves were often “inventoried” among household objects and farm instruments and given a value. William Few Senior’s 1853 will became a treasure trove of pre-emancipation information. The will revealed the surnames of a dozen of his children. It included Few’s daughters’ married surnames (rarely enumerated before the 1850 census unless women were widowed head of households). The will also gave a clear description of Few’s 200 acres of land to be given to his daughters, Lavina, Rachel, Malinda, and Mary; adjacent to his son Ephraim’s farm.

“…The tract of land I now live on contained in the following boundaries Beginning at the bridge on South Tiger River running with the road leading to Greenville Court House up said road to a sycamore tree in the law on the South Said of said land – being the ing sycamore nearest my stables Thence a Smith East course until it strikes the corner of the fence near or on the branch, being Ephraim Few’s spring branch thence a North course to a chesnut near the meeting house Thence North West course to a spanish oak thence to West course along my old original line to the River, thence down the River to the beginning the same containing two hundred acres and no more the above land I have.”

The will could weave together all my theories and research like the center of a spider web…or lead to a frustrating dead end. In the way wills and inventories of slaves often do, I had to pause while reading the document to take a walk across the room to settle my thoughts before I could continue. With my heart beating in my ears, I realized I had experience with what was to come next.

As I read on, name after name of the enslaved men, women, boys, girls on the Few plantation unrolled like brittle parchment. Few detailed by name over twenty-two enslaved people in his estate to be divvied up among his 13 children and extended family. Among the names was a revelation!

Few gave as inheritance “one negro woman Mariah and the negro boy Sam” to his daughter Lavina; he further willed “one negro woman Sylvia and a negro girl Charlotte” to his daughter Betsy Jenkins. Few’s will held both my 3x great grandmother’s name Mariah and her likely son Sam (Mays), my 4x great grandmother Sylvia and Charlotte (possibly her daughter)! Here was a new powerful source document connecting Sylvia Choice (maiden name Few) to her daughter Mariah, and to her first and second enslavers. It also showed which specific daughters inherited my ancestors making it possible to continue to track their lives before emancipation. Sylvia and Mariah Few’s enslaved community would have had many relations; siblings, cousins, parents, children – they were all split up by the planter’s death in 1853.

Will of William Few Senior, 1853, Item 6 leaves slaves Mariah and Sam to daughter Lavina, item 11, leaves slaves Sylvia and Charlotte to daughter Betsy Jenkins.

The enslaved community held in bondage by William and Susannah Few, my ancestral community, was vast. William Few Senior would have been a planter, not just a farmer, with so many enslaved lives working his land and mills. In 1850, William Few’s estate was worth $6000. At his death, he was able to pass on significant generational wealth stolen from my ancestors, as well as an enslaved labor force to help secure the next generation’s legacies. Though its unclear what debts his estate had to clear, it does appear many of the enslaved passed to his children.

The enslaved of William Few Snr. and Susannah Tubbs-Few listed in William’s will in 1853 include:

  • Alfred (20 years old) b. 1843 given to son James Few
  • Jesse (negro man) to daughter Melinda Few
  • Emily (6) (negro girl) to daughter Melinda Few
  • Jane (a negro woman) to daughter Rachel Few
  • Abigail (a negro girl) to daughter Rachel Few
  • Hannah (a negro woman) to daughter Mary Few (willed to Mary) to go to granddaughter Malinda Catherine
  • Mariah (a negro woman) to daughter Lavinia Few
  • Sam (a negro boy) to daughter Lavinia Few
  • Bob (negro man) to son Benjamin Few
  • Toney (negro man) to son Benjamin Few
  • Wynne (negro man) to son Benjamin Few
  • Manda (negro girl) to son Benjamin
  • Lewis (negro man) to son Ephraim Few
  • Caroline (5) (negro girl) to son Ephraim Few
  • Rafael (negro man) to son Ignatius Few
  • Cummings (negro boy) to son Ignatius Few
  • Alisey (negro woman) to Matilda Weaver
  • Betty (negro child) to daughter Matilda Weaver
  • Sylvia (negro woman) to daughter Betsy Jenkins
  • Charlotte (negro girl) to daughter Betsy Jenkins
  • Eliza (negro girl about 16 years old) to daughter Celia Reese
  • Unnamed small negro girl (to be selected) to daughter Martha
  • Peter (negro boy) to daughter Susannah Kendrick

DNA connects the enslaved to the enslaver.

Checking Ancestry’s online DNA database for the surname “Few” with ancestry in North Carolina and South Carolina, among my own thousands of DNA matches who’ve tested on the platform, I found several maternal matches including, white descendants of Wiliam Few Sr. of Greenville, his Few’s ancestors in North Carolina, and remarkably, matches to ancestors of his wife Susannah Tubbs. Some of the Few DNA match descendants even hailed from the Few family’s point of arrival in the British colonies in Chester, in the Pennsylvania colony. The astounding detail in the will and emerging genetic relationship of my Few DNA matches seemed to support that I was a maternal descendant from a child of William Few and Susannah Tubbs.

Using the will and carefully researching William’s male sons, and based on the pedigree triangulation of shared match names and the strength of the genetic matches, I surmise that Mariah’s mother Sylvia, who was born about 1800 – 1805, identified on the Few plantation and willed to Betsy Jenkins ‘nee Few, was assaulted by one of the male Few heirs sometime between 1815 and 1825 resulting in the birth of Mariah (sharing Few and Tubbs alongside her African DNA). Mariah’s birth is put at about 1825 but her last census record says its as late as 1835. The dates swing wildly and she could have easily been born earlier. I believe the the likely father is William’s first son James Few (1790 -1860). In fact, a DNA match cousin of mine is a direct descendent of James.

James Few and his wife Lucinda West moved to Dickson, Tennessee by 1820. He was granted 6 acres in 1827. In 1830 he held 3 slaves (1 male between 10 and 23 years old, and 2 females between 10 and 23 years old). In 1839 he was granted 400 acres of land by the state. Alfred, an enslaved man, was given to James as part of his inheritance, but there’s no record Alfred left the Few estate to be transported to Dickson County, Tennessee in 1853. By the time of James Few’s death in about 1860 he had about $2000 of land, and $7000 of personal property, most of it tied up in 6 enslaved people.

Did William and Susannah Few know Syvia’s child Mariah was their son James’s daughter? Almost assuredly. There would have been few secrets on the farm. Whether by rape or forced breeding between slaves, increase on a plantation was a source of wealth and opportunity. Adding to the trauma, infants were often taken from their enslaved mothers to decrease attachments and could be raised by cousins, siblings on the plantation or other properties, mulatto children were often sold away.

William’s other sons all lived and farmed next door to each other; William Jr., Benjamin, Ignatius, and Ephraim Few were all enslavers and inherited their lot of slaves from their father’s estate after his death around 1853. During Reconstruction, Benjamin and his siblings entered into several Freedmen’s Bureau contracts with the formerly enslaved of the Few family to provide board, food, clothing, shoes, tools, and horses, and pay in exchange for farming their lands. In 1866, Benjamin contracted with a freedman named Lewis Few for $4 a month. If Ben didn’t pay, the agreement held a lien on his crop as a failsafe. Lewis was very likely the same man given to to Ephraim Few as part of William Few’s 1853 will. Ben also contracted with the freedmen Winn and his wife Caroline to farm corn. Caroline was probably the same “negro girl” William Few left to Ephraim. Ben also contracted with Fany to have her daughter Mary as a servant agreeing to provide food, clothing, and shoes, and he agreed he would return her to her mother after one year of service. He also contracted with a freedman named Calvin and a woman named Polly as well. Ben’s brothers James, Ephraim, and Ignatius made similar agreements. Ben witnessed a contract between his sister Betsy Jenkins and a freedman named Saul too. Cummings, a freedman, entered into a contract with his former enslaver Ignatius Few as well.

Ephraim Few entered into a contract with a “freedman of color” named “Jim” in March 1866. For 6 bushels of corn, room and board, two suits of clothing, and a pair of shoes, Jim bound himself to a year of work. Benjamin Few witnessed the agreement. The month before, Ephraim entered into a similar agreement with a freedman named Samuel. Were these freedmen, Jim and Samuel, Mariah Few’s sons, Jim and Sam Mays? Possibly. Both Jim and Sam adopted the Mays surname by the 1870 census and were reunited in the O’Neal district after the Civil War.

Freedmen’s Bureau Contract between “Jim” and Ephraim Few in 1867. Earlier, Ephraim made a contract with “Sam.” I believe these are brothers Jim and Sam Mays.

In another detail of the interconnectedness of the Mays and Fews families, the English American miller James Mays lived next door to the Jenkin’s homestead in Milford. Mary Elizabeth “Betsy” Jenkins (1801 – 1897), who inherited Mariah’s mother Sylvia, and possibly her sister Charlotte, was already an enslaver of two according to the 1850 slave schedule. The two were a 65 year-old man and 3 year-old female slave; they made an odd pair suggesting the 3 year-old’s mother had recently died. Betsy’s younger sister Celia who was married to Allen Reese also lived nearby. At the time of her father’s death, Betsy Jenkins was widowed and the stepmother of 5 living children in 1850. A DNA match cousin of mine appears to directly descend from an ancestor of her late spouse Vinson Jenkins. This could suggest Sylvia’s family were already enslaved on Jenkins’ farm before the will and subject to the enslavers’ depredation. After she was widowed, Betsy Jenkins was living in Milford on the 1860 census and working as a housekeeper to the Rev. William Crane of Milford Baptist Church. Milford Baptist Church was an important center of town life, as we’ll see.

The paper trail grew even longer after William Few’s death. Tapping the new FamilySearch full-text experimental search tool that uses AI to decipher and translate non-indexed documents, I found one that revealed Few’s heirs relinquished their rights to three enslaved women inherited by his daughters Rachel and Malinda. The enslaved were named Jane, Abigail, and Emily. In the statement, for the sum of $10, the Few heirs gave up all their rights to these girls in 1856. It was in the document that I also noticed William’s daughter Lavina must have married not long after her father’s death.

Between 1853 and 1860, Betsy Few’s younger sister Lavina (1813 – 1885) married John Peter Shockley (1838 – 1912). The Shockleys were planters who lived in central Greenville on Brushy Creek but also had family holdings in the O’Neal District. Mariah and her son Sam would also have moved out of the familiar Few estate away from family and south to Brushy Creek. I’m sure Mariah was devastated to be separated from her family but held hope she would see them again when her enslavers visited their own family to the North. The death of William Few and marriage of his daughter Lavina explains how the Walker and Mays were forcibly migrated 16 miles south to the Gantt District around 1856 from Moonville.

Unfortunately, the statement of revoking the Few heirs’ rights appears to be the only record containing Lavina and John Peter Shockley together as a couple. She may have divorced Shockley because some unsourced records list her as having married Robert Thomason, and having died in 1885 and then being interred at the Few cemetery in Greer.

John Peter Shockley’s youngest son William Thomas (1833 -1881) also connects Mariah Few to the Shockleys after emancipation. John Peter Shockley was an enslaver – in 1850 he had 16 enslaved people on his plantation, and 14 people on his Brushy Creek farm near White Horse Pike in the Gantt District in 1860. He was wealthy, holding $4000 in real estate and $5300 in personal wealth. He appears to have married several times, having at least four children before marrying Lavina Few. During Reconstruction, Mariah’s husband Pleasant Walker struck a deal with a Shockley. A Freedmen’s Bureau contract shows Pleasant agreeing with Shockley’s son William Thomas to share crop rented land on White Horse Pike near Brushy Creek. Mariah’s relationship as Shockley’s former slave was the likely source of the deal. In 1870, my 3x great grandfather Jim Mays and his family live next door to Peter Shockley’s son in Gantt.

The move from O’Neal to Gantt meant Mariah had to leave behind two of her children and join another enslaved community miles to the South. Though Mariah’s boys were born after Sam, between 1845 and 1847, they weren’t listed in William Few’s inventory. That doesn’t mean they weren’t on the plantation. Note that a yet “unnamed” enslaved girl was to be chosen by his daughter Martha in the will. That could mean there were more enslaved children on the plantation who were not directly willed to William’s children. It could simply be that James and Oliver were to remain estate property on the plantation. It’s also possible Jim and Oliver were sold away, apprenticed, or hired out by the time of William Few’s death in 1853.

William Few Bridge Historical Marker on the South Tyger River. Image by Stanley Howard.

The discovery or rather “recovery” of the Few genetic network has revealed so much. Sylvia and her husband, the children’s families – the Mays and Walkers; were eventually reunited in the Gantt district in Pleasant and Mariah Walker’s home according to the 1870 census, but not all of them. I have not found Mariah’s sister Charlotte named in any further documents. The DNA discoveries corroborate newly found document-based evidence that Sylvia Few, her daughters Mariah and Charlotte, and her grandson Sam were enslaved by William Few. Evidence shows a network of enslaved kin across O’Neal plantations owned by the Few family, Jenkins and Shockleys. It revealed that the Jenkins were Sylvia’s last enslaver the Shockleys were Mariah’s last enslavers, and how my black Few ancestors came to be forcibly migrated from O’Neal to the Gantt District. Freedmen’s Bureau contracts show that the Few family, once enslavers, had to make new contracts with their formerly enslaved. Genetic genealogy also revealed that increasingly common yet still bone-chilling fact that once again, my ancestor’s enslaver, was also my ancestor. Yet despite the revelations, these discoveries do not explain the origin of the Mays surname. While the white planter James Mays and Few family weren’t related, they were very close neighbors. How had Mariah’s sons Jim and his brother Oliver come to also adopt the Mays surname and not Few? Their brother Sam left the Few estate with his mother but later took the surname Mays as well. He may have been reunited with his brother Jim sharecropping for Ephraim Few in 1866. Was the Mays surname tied directly to the identity of their father? Was their biological father enslaved on the James Mays plantation nearby in Milford?

PART 2. Mays the Enslaver, Gilreath the Ancestor.

Recovering Jim May’s paternal ORIGINS.

I set out to explore the surname Mays in Greenville during the same time Mariah was enslaved on the plantation of William Few in O’Neal. Of the several Mays living in Greenville during this period, according to the 1850 Slave Schedule and census, only one Mays family lived in O’Neal – and it turned out he was a close neighbor to William and Susannah Few in Milford. This particular Mays family was headed by an English American planter named James Mays (1781 – d. 1865 in Greenville). As we’ll see, using genetic genealogy, I’ve come to believe that Sam, Oliver, and Jim, were the children of an enslaved man on the Mays plantation and took his enslaver’s surname. Census records reveal Few’s neighbor James Mays was an Englishman born about 1781 in the borough of Epsom in Surrey, just South of London. Court records show he was 25 years old when naturalized in November 1807, his occupation listed him as. “mariner” though I believe he was living and working in Charleston at least a year earlier. Around the time Mays appears in the records of early 18th century Charleston, the Abolition of the Slave Trade Act in England became law, making it illegal to engage in the slave trade throughout the British Empire, partly as a result of a twenty-year parliamentary campaign by the Church of England’s William Wilberforce. Charleston was the center of importation of slaves for over a hundred years at that point, drawing English, Scottish, Irish, French and West Indian immigrants. During its earliest days as a colony, South Carolina, “incentivized enslavers to immigrate, offering 10-20 acres of free land for every enslaved Black person that a white migrant forcibly brought to the colony,” according to A History of Racial Injustice.

“The kidnapping, trafficking, and sale of Africans escalated dramatically in Charleston between 1803 and 1807. Anticipating a constitutional ban on the Transatlantic trade beginning in 1808, traffickers in Charleston imported more than 40,000 kidnapped Africans during these five years alone. The 88 kidnapped Africans trafficked into Charleston on this day in 1807 would be some of the first of more than 21,000 kidnapped Africans who would be brought through Charleston in 1807, accounting for 95% of the total Africans trafficked into the U.S. in 1807.” – January 07, 1807: A Ship Named “Fair American” Delivers 88 Trafficked Africans into Charleston, South Carolina, A History of Racial Injustice

Almost half, some 40% of African Americans earliest ancestors were forcibly brought to America through the port of Charleston, first through the Middle Passage from Africa to the West Indies, and then on to the southeastern coast of the English Colonies, and later, directly from Africa to Charleston’s Sullivan’s Island. On the island, Africans who survived the terrible journey were quarantined for 10 days. The inhumane cargo was examined, sorted, and then shipped to markets for sale by scrupulous traders, sold from the decks of ships across several wharves. Over 1000 cargos of Africans passed through Charleston, making it by far, the largest place of slave trading over hundreds of years, right up to the abolishment of the American translatlantic trade in 1808. The expansion of America with the addition of Mississippi, Alabama, Louisiana territories drove an urgent expansion of “new negros” into the port of Charleston at Gadsden’s Wharf. It was within a few short years of the transatlantic slave trade’s end that James Mays first arrived on America’s shores.

Records show a James Mays established himself as a licensed “retailer” living at No. 3 Tradd Street (formerly South Street) about 1806 near Charleston’s French Quarter in St. Michael’s Parish and later, at 20 Meeting Street. Mays was secretary of the Grocer’s Friendly Society in 1821, a mutual aid group that likely provided insurance and debt protection for its members.

No. 3 Tradd St. Charleston, South Carolina today. Source, Google Maps.

At about the start of his career as a grocer in South Carolina, in 1807, James Mays purchased a slave according to a bill of sale for $600, a negro man named Abraham in August. The bill of sale named Mays a “grocer.”

1807 Bill of Sale, slave, Abraham to James Mays, widow of Nathan Legare and Capt. John S. Ashe. Source, FamilySearch.

In the 1820 census, James has an enslaved girl between under 14 and a woman between 14 and 25. Abraham was not listed. Both were purchased of the widow Elizabeth Ashe (1753 – 1820) (nee’ Daniel), a wealthy heiress, daughter of John Daniel and Nancy Ashe. She first married Nathan Legare (1739 – 1782), then Capt. John S. Ashe, elder son of the Major General Ashe of North Carolin in 1783. Capt. Ashe died before 1800 making Elizabeth a widow once more. The Ashes lived at 12 Lamboll Street close to the Battery. When the widow Elizabeth Daniel-Ashe died, she willed her 24 “Prime Country Born Negros,” home and outhouses be sold to benefit two of her daughters.

The enslaved man Abraham who was sold to James Mays is very likely the same man known as “Abraham Ashe” who became a free man of color between 1807 and 1810. Abraham likely worked his way to freedom and achieved a “private manumission.” Though I have not found an agreement of manumission, James Mays was a witness when the free person of color Abraham Ashe purchased an enslaved man July from Joseph Alexander in 1810 for the sum of $50. A typical sum of $400 – $500 would support the value of the enslaved as a “prime hand” or a teenage boy or young man capable of carrying out the highest level of work on a plantation or mill. The low amount suggests Abraham was purchasing a family member, Alexander was a very willing seller, and Mays was supportive. Abraham purchases Mick in 1816 and is also found indenturing an enslaved boy named Sam in 1830. Abraham’s wife Clary is mentioned.

In 1830 Ashe had 9 free people of color in his household and 4 enslaved people. He had already become a property owner in 1822, mortgaging land from his former enslaver Elizabeth Ashe’s daughter Ann Legare. In 1835, Abraham Ashe was to provide a $400 bond to Thomas Middleton to support the purchase of 4 enslaved people (possibly the enslaved listed in the 1830 census); Susannah and her three children, Clarissa, Tyra, and William. I suspect they were the family of one of Ashe’s enslaved. Middleton purchased all four for just $500, and Ashe’s bond was low – suggesting a sweetheart deal with another purpose other than profit.

Ashe was later involved in a lawsuit with the widow Ann Legare for a debt of $1200 on rent on two homes. He had become a property owner. The Court of Equity ruled against Ashe and in 1841, Abraham lost his land in a sheriff’s sale, two lots with “small wooden houses” on Boundary Street were put up for auction.

Ann Legare seeks the court’s assistance in collecting a debt from Abraham Ashe, “a free colored man.” Ashe became indebted to the petitioner in the amount of $1,200 in 1822. He mortgaged a lot of land in Charleston to secure the bond, which has recently become due. Legare now complains that Ashe “refuses” to pay her and has set up “various pretexts to delay and defeat your Oratrixes just claim.” Legare asks that the mortgage on the land be foreclosed and that Ashe “be Decreed to pay to your Oratrix all such sums of money as may appear to your Honors to be due to your Oratrix.” – Petition of Ann Legare, June 1841, Court of Equity.

Abraham Ashe died in 1842 of dropsy (edema) and is buried at the “African Burial Grounds” – there were several in the city of Charleston. Abraham’s descendent may be Capt. Jacob “James” Ashe who captained a sloop in 1880. His wife Nellie Grant-Ashe is buried at Mother Emanuel cemetery. In his will, Abraham left his entire estate to James H. Ladson (1795–1868), a magistrate and major planter who by 1850 owned over 200 slaves producing 600,000 pounds of rice each year on his La Grange and Fawn Hill plantations. Ladson was the scion of a prominent planter-class family with holdings in Charleston. It’s unclear why Ladson, a man of such prominence, was named executor of Ashe’s small estate. Ashe did not manumit his enslaved in his will. Ladson inventoried and posted Ashe’s estate to clear the man’s debts.

Ladson inventoried three slaves, William, Maria, and Abram. Sadly, each were purchased by different slave traders. If they were family, they were split up. *Update – see The Mays Family: Abraham Ashe to learn what happened to the children.

James Mays lived several years in Charleston and there on October 20, 1819 married Elizabeth Bouchanneau. A year later his family appeared in the 1820 census. In their eventual departure for Greenville, the Mays, like many lowcountry middle to upper-class Charlestonians, probably sought to escape the heat and humidity of the summers for the cool mountain weather of the highlands above Greenville with second homes, usually small plantations, mills, and farms. From mariner to grocer to landowner, Mays appeared to settle in Greenville as a miller and farmer full-time after 1825, though maintained ties to Charleston. James Mays maintained his grocery at 20 Meeting Street in Charleston as late as 1830.

The Mays family included enslaved who were part of Elizabeth’s dower. His wife Elizabeth was the daughter of a Frenchman, possibly a Huguenot named Charles Bouchanneau, and Sarah (of Hampstead) from Charleston. The Bouchanneau’s were acquainted with the Ashe family according to early documents. In 1805, Charles witnessed a sale of an enslaved male James to Samuel Barksdale Jones by Hannah Ashe, widow of Samuel Ashe. In 1812, Charles Bouchanneau’s will instructs that his three daughters, Mary Brown (husband Isaac), Elizabeth, and Ann Felicity, were to receive 1/3rd of his estate upon the death of his wife Sarah. Sarah was to inherit Charles’ two slaves, Sampson and Jack. Jack, a boy, was to be bound to his son Isaac to learn the carpenter trade, and Sampson was to remain a gardener.

Before her marriage to James Mays, Elizabeth Mays inherited from her mother in equal parts, “the negro girl Cretia” with her sister Ann Felicity in their mother Sarah’s 1813 will. Elizabeth’s younger sister Ann Felicity went to live with her and James and later appears in the 1850 census of the Mays family as single. Elizabeth Mays appeared to have passed away between 1850 and 1857. In a sale of land in ’57, “Ann F. Mays” testified as James May’s “wife.”

Mays prospered. He acquired and sold large tracts of land along the Tyger River over twenty years and established the “May’s Mills” according to records, probably milling corn and other grains. Perhaps because he also had a license to sell liquor in Charleston he may have been a distiller too. A mill would require land on a body of running water. In an 1838 case before the Greenville Court of Equity, James Mays was a defendant in a case brought by his neighbor Samuel Jones. Jones wanted damages to his land because Mays had built a dam. The dam was likely built by his enslaved. James ultimately provided 7 and a half acres of land in restitution. William Few, his neighbor, was one of 4 men who arbitrated the case. The document is the only source of James Mays’ signature.

James Mays’ signature on settlement papers. Equity Court of Greenville, 1838. Source, FamilySearch.

Mays also built a bridge to ford the Tyger River that bore his name. In 1838, for $1200 James Mays bought 250 acres south of the Tyger River on the South Fork north of Greenville from James Harper of Charleston, known as “Harper Place.” In 1839, Mays bought an additional 70 acres south of the Tyger River from a man named John Wesley Gilreath (1806 – 1881), son of Jesse Gilreath (1759 – 1830). Wesley purchased the estate from his siblings who inherited stakes in the land after his father’s death for $500. A man who I would learn is pivotal to our O’Neal origins, Hardy Jones Gilreath (1788 – 1868), was a witness to the sale of the Gilreath estate to James. In 1843, James sold the Harper Place track to a local preacher Rev. Samuel Crane for $900. In 1859, Mays sold 100 acres of land on the South Fork of the Tyger River to Wiliam Few’s son-in-law, Allen Reece, along the road leading to Mays Mills. Reece was the husband of Celia Few, daughter of William Few Sr. Celia had inherited at least one negro girl, Eliza when her father passed in 1853. In 1845, Mays sold 100 acres more of his land to America Fowler.

Hardy Jones Gilreath and his mulatto sons.

Hardy Jones Gilreath…the Gilreath name felt familiar! I was certain I had seen it before, not just among James Mays’ papers. I recalled seeing that William Few’s daughter Martha had married one William Henry Gilreath. The Gilreaths were all over the 1882 Greenville map of the O’Neal district. Out of curiosity, I checked Ancestry DNA matches and immediately found several DNA match cousins ranging from the 5th to 8th generation (4th cousins), both black and white, who appeared to descend from William Wesley Gilreath Sr. (1730-1795) and Mary (Arrington) Gilreath (1731-1788), originally from Wilkes County, North Carolina. After the American Revolution, Capt. William Wesley Gilreath Jr. (1753-1835) migrated to Greenville with his family, collecting on his land bounty. His brother Jesse Gilreath (1774 – 1828) was a patriot too and migrated to Greenville as well. The families settled from Travelers Rest to Milford around 1800. Their brothers Alexander (1755 – 1853) and William Alexander (1750) stayed behind in Wilkes. William Gilreath Sr. died in Newberry, South Carolina about 1794 (his will stated he sold some of his land on Crab Fork in Wilkes, but he left the rest of his lands to his various sons in North and South Carolina).

William Gilreath Jr.’ married Sarah Jones (1765 – 1833). All of his children appear to have all been born in Wilkes, but only his son Hardy Jones Gilreath had migrated to Greenville.

  • Henry Jeremiah Gilreath, b. 1781 – 1842
  • Martha “Patsy”, b. 1785 (m. Hicks)
  • Hugh Gilreath, b. 1782 – 1816
  • Mary Susanna Gilreath, b. 1784 – 1840
  • Hardy Jones Gilreath, b. 1788 – 1868
  • William Hilliary Gilreath, b. 1790 – 1872
  • Delilah Gilreath, b. 1795 (m. McCoy)
  • Rebecca Gilreath, b. 1798 -1876
  • Susanna Gilreath, b. 1800 – 1899

Jesse Gilreath was married twice. Several of his children were born in Greenville after his migration.

  • Isabella Gilreath, b. 1799 – 1855 (m. Pollard)
  • Alfred Gilreath, b. 1801 – 1863 (m. Epidotia Brock b. 1803 – 1843, m. Mariah Shockley)
  • John Westley Gilreath, b.1806 – 1881
  • Hannah Gilreath, b. 1808 – 1890 (m. Justus)
  • George Holton Gilreath, b. 1810 – 1896
  • Jabez Franklin Gilreath, b. 1812 – 1855
  • Nelson Gilreath, b. 1814 – 1889
  • Caleb Gilreath, b. 1817 – 1884

These new Gilreath matches also shared many of my Mays matches, including one or two mystery matches in Traveler’s Rest, with unfamiliar surnames, like Brock. Turns out Jesse’s son Alfred Gilreath married Epidotia Brock of Travelers Rest. Her father David Brock was an enslaver, and the 1850 Slave Schedule shows Alfred as enslaving four. Alfred later married a Shockley. The Gilreath, Few, and Shockley families were also interconnected! Lastly, I wasn’t very surprised to find that local historian Lou Turner had written that the Gilreaths first lived at Moon’s Place on the State Road. Recall family oral history had stated our earliest ancestors were known to first come off “Moonville.” It was this very same land, that James Mays purchased to farm from Jesse Gilreath’s son John Westley Gilreath in 1839, witnessed by Hardy Jones Gilreath.

Gilreath’s Mill (1890) is an example of small streamside mill found across the Greenville highlands. Source, Greer Heritage Museum.

The Gilreaths were also founders of Jackson Grove Methodist Church just 8 miles West of Milford in 1832 in Traveler’s Rest. This was an important find that turned out to be instrumental in connecting the Gilreaths biologically to an enslaved man on or near the Mays plantation. Though there is just oral history, it was well known and passed down through the generations that Hardy Jones Gilreath, the son of William and Sarah Gilreath, had a black enslaved mistress and concubine named Matilda.

The History of Jackson Grove United Methodist Church 1831 – 1981 by Lou Alice Flynn Turner and Doris Coleman Gilreath is a critical document capturing the story of the white and black community around Moon’s. Turner and Gilreath’s research charts the story of many founding families who were trustees.

Jesse Gilreath of North Carolina settled about half a mle below South Tyger River near O’Neal in 1796. Two sons – Alfred and Wesley – served among the first trutees of Jackson Grove. Hardy Jones Gilreat, who came from Wilkes County, N.C., bought some 800 acres between the Enoree River and Childer’s Beaver Dam, a branch of South Tyber in 1824. Gilreath lived at Moon’s on the State Road in 1826, was appointed to the office of Road Commissioners. Later, he built with slave labor a home on McElhaney Road, where his great-granddaughter, Ruth Gilreath, lives now.”

History of Jackson Grove United Methodist Church 1831 – 1981.

Hardy Jones Gilreath was among the original leaseholders and trustees. William Few Snr. was a co-author of the church by-laws with his son-in-laws John Weaver and Vincent Jenkins.

Reviewing Ancestry.com, and my own DNA matches out of curiosity, I immediately discovered I had several African American DNA match cousins who descend directly from William Gilreath Jr. through his son Hardy Jones Gilreath and Matilda! Records show a male named Asa “Ace” Gilreath was born about 1844 when Hardy was 55. Matilda’s mulatto son Asa Gilbreath was known in the Travelers Rest community for his farming acumen. He married Laura Davis. Though the black congregants of Jackson Grove started their own church, St. Luke’s, Ace’s black descendants actually reunited with their white Gilreath cousins at Jackson Grove again over 140 years after slavery in reconciliation in 2009. In a poignant meeting, black and white descendants acknowledged Hardy Jones Gilreath as their common ancestor. According to the historians Turner and Gilreath, among the formerly enslaved buried in Jackson Grove are Matilda Gilreath (Hardy’s concubine), Kathleen Gilreath White; Jim, infant son of Ace and Laura Davis Gilreath, among over 47 other white Gilreath family members.

Image. Hardy Jones Gilreath (enhanced) about 1880. Source, unknown.

Unsurprisingly, Ace was not the only black son Hardy Jones had with an enslaved woman. Records revealed Hardy also had a mulatto son Andy with another enslaved woman named Carlee Snow. Andy and his wife Lucinda Snow migrated to Arkansas after 1880. Andy’s death certificate indicated he was a veteran of the Civil War though I have not found his service record yet. He likely joined under a pseudonym. His descendants have shared his picture on Ancestry.com.

Andy Gilreath (1836 – 1943), early 1900s, son of Hardy Jones Gilreath and enslaved woman Carlee Snow. Andy was the half-brother of Ace Gilreath, and Jim May’s Father (name unidentified), both also sons of H.J. Gilreath with enslaved women. Source, Ancestry.com.

Hardy Jones’s white son William Henry Gilreath later married William Few’s daughter Martha sometime between 1850 and 1860. The discovery of this new genetic Gilreath network was weaving a web of connections in the O’Neal community between the Mays, Gilreath, and Few families that made me completely rethink the impact of James Mays’ innocuous land purchases from his neighbors. In 1850, examining the census shows Mays immediate neighbors were Allen Reece, son-in-law to William Few, Elizabeth Jenkins, daughter of William Few and enslaver of my 4x great grandmother Sylvia Few and her daughter Charlotte, and Wesley Gilreath, 1st couson of Hardy Jones Gilreath. One has to envision an interconnected community of enslaved working these lands, with relationships across the farms.

James Mays and his neighbors. 1850 US Census, Greenville, O’Neal District.

Enslaved people often had family, husbands and wives on neighboring plantations, though a relationship was always in danger of dissolution. During estate sales after the death of an enslaver, the enslaved were often sold in lots to clear debts, often at the same time as the land. They were often displaced and separated by being willed down to children with land. Sometimes they were sold to neighbors. Enslaved families were often broken up after Christmas when the year’s debts came due to a plantation owner, debts cleared with black bodies of children, mothers and fathers.

An administrator’s sale of the estate of S. Mauldin featuring several enslaved by name and occupation. Source, Advertisement, Greenville Enterprise, 1856.

After the war, Reconstruction offered new ways for families to find dignity in contracts with their former enslavers in ways that could often reunite families. Freedmen often contracted with their former enslaver first, or someone they knew and trusted in the local community right after the Civil War ended. As I shared, Benjamin Few and his brothers contracted with freedmen left to them in the 1853 will of William Few. Elizabeth “Betsy” Jenkins like her brothers, entered into contracts with freedmen, including a man named Phillip, who was formerly enslaved by John Wesley Gilreath. Her brother Ephraim Few contracted with two freedmen named Jim and Sam, likely the brothers Jim and Sam Mays.

Was it possible that besides land, James Mays had also purchased from John Wesley Gilreath one or more of Jesse Gilreath’s enslaved people to work the land of their former master? Could this mysterious unidentified enslaved ancestor have been a descendent of a Gilreath, but adopted the Mays surname (his last enslaver) and become the father of Mariah Few’s children, Sam, Oliver, and Jim? Here was a plausible theory!

Survey of the Gilreath land, adjacent Gideon Moon’s land, along the South Tyger River. The building is likely a mill. Source, Greenville Land grants, patents, surveys and plats, 1784-1880.

The Gilreath tract was directly adjacent land owned by the Moons, and near the Mays tract. The Moons, Mays, and Gilreath family were neighbors.. Very likely, the two enslaved communities on the Mays and Gilreath plantations were already connected families, likely through marriage. Mays might have well milled corn and other grain for his neighbors for a fee. But what did I know about the enslaved people of James Mays and Jesse Gilreath? Is there any other knowledge about this community that could shed light on their shared lives and therefore the lives of their enslaved people?

Milford Baptist Church and the Mays in the Minutes.

Beyond census records, deeds, and bills of sale, I uncovered the life of the white Mays family and that of their enslaved people illuminated in documents about their religious life too. In 1938, the Works Progress Administration had several cultural history projects in the South, including transcribing church records in the state of South Carolina. In the O’Neal district, Milford Baptist Church minutes from 1832 to 1869 were identified and transcribed by the WPA. The church was built in 1829 and began services in 1832. Within the minutes, the white planters and millers of the area, including the Mays family’s spiritual life and interactions with their community are revealed. Recordings show interactions between church leaders and James Mays, his wife Elizabeth, and his sister-in-law and later 2nd wife, Felicity from 1836 through the 1860s. Notations in the minutes range from baptisms to dramatic excommunications. Invaluable in African American genealogy research, church minutes can often reveal enslaved congregrants social lives before the Civil War and connect them directly to their enslaver. The Milford Baptist Church minutes did just that as more of the Mays enslaved were named; Richard, Julius, and Ann. In fact, Richard, is one of the first congregants mentioned in the church minutes records. The minutes show that Richard shared a Christian experience and was thus received in 1832.

Milford Baptist Church, Greer, South Carolina, after 2000. Source, Google.

Enslaved people were encouraged to join their enslavers’ churches during the second great revival of Methodism which took place after the failed self-liberation attempt by the free man of color Denmark Vesey and over 100 enslaved people in 1822. Vesey was a well-off free man of color and carpenter who was manumitted in 1799 when he was known as “Telemaque.” Vesey and his conspirators planned the largest slave uprising in history to begin in Charleston, but he was betrayed by another enslaved man. The plan would have enlisted 9,000 enslaved people! After Vesey’s rebellion was brutally put down with over 60 summary executions, slave laws in South Carolina became much stricter. The state increased the powers and duties of patrols, which were tasked with monitoring the movements of enslaved people, enforcing curfews, and breaking up any unauthorized gatherings. 

The Negro Seamen Act of 1822 required that free Black sailors from northern states be imprisoned while their ships were docked in Charleston. This was done to prevent them from spreading ideas of freedom and rebellion to the enslaved. Meetings of Black congregants were required to have a white person present to supervise, and large gatherings were discouraged or outright banned. Southern theologians developed a pro-slavery theology, arguing that slavery was beneficial for both enslaved people and their masters.

It was likely Elizabeth Mays and her sister Ann Felicity Bouchonneau who first drew the family to Milford Baptist Church formed on the grounds of a large public meeting. In 1832 Elizabeth presented a letter of dismissal from her original church, the Baptist Church of Charleston. This enabled her family to be accepted as members. In 1833, James had Richard his enslaved man baptized, and another enslaved woman Ann belonging to James “did not receive it” (the baptism). It was not uncommon for enslavers to wield religion as a tool to control their enslaved. An enslaved people read into the bible and sermons their own hopes for salvation and freedom, but often only in death. Specialized slave bibles espoused the goodness of slavery and obeisance to masters, omitting any passages speaking to equality, freedom, or salvation through rebellion.

The 1830s were the era of the great church revivals where churches became a center of daily life featuring daily sermons and often acapella singing of hymns. But Churches also moderated the daily behavior of its members. Members who did not attend were openly chastised. Members who did not obey the teachings of the church and follow the commandments to be chaste were publicly identified and punished. In January of 1836, James Mays got into a dispute with a fellow member Ben Harper. The minutes read that Mays and Harper got together and settled their dispute. However, the settlement was not to Mays’ satisfaction and he protested by skipping church all through May. As a result, he was excommunicated in June. His wife and sister-in-law stayed on. Not coincidentally, descendants of John Peter Shockley, my 3x great grandmother’s enslaver Mariah, were also members of Milford Baptist Church.

“Julius, a Black Man belonging to James Mays,” was found guilty of adultery and excommunicated from the church on July 1, 1837, according to the minutes. Julius had a partner out of a slave marriage, was it Ann? Also, it was unusual to see a slave marriage officially recognized by the church since they were often illegal and nonbinding. At about the same time, Elizabeth Mays received a letter of dismissal, electing to leave the church as well. It seemed the Mays family and their enslaved were not among the favored Milford congregants.

In the 1840 Mays household James, his wife, and sister-in-law are indicated by age on the census. Also indicated by age is a white male between the ages of 20 – 29 years, perhaps a son, but more likely an overseer. I have not been able to ascertain the name of this male. Also listed are 9 enslaved people, 6 males, and 3 females. Presuming they were all still living, it’s possible Cretia, Sampson, Julius, Richard, and Ann were among them. These recovered names replace the anonymous hash marks of Slave Schedules and bring these ancestors out from the obscurity and purposeful anonymity of slavery into recorded history.

In the 1850 US census, the number of Mays’ enslaved increased even further to 11. 

  • Female, 50
  • Female, 50
  • Male, 50
  • Male, 50
  • Male, 35
  • Male, 25
  • Male, 15
  • Male, 40
  • Female, 20
  • Male, 4
  • Male, 2

On the Tyger River at Milford, May’s neighbors also attended Milford Baptist Church according to the minutes. Eliza Ann Gilreath, wife of Jabez Gilreath received a dismissal letter in 1840. Hardy Jones Gilreath, the son of William Gilreath Jr. donated for renovations, though Hardy’s family eventually settled at the Jackson Grove Church. Hardy Jones fathered children with at least two of his slaves producing mulatto children; with a woman named Matilda, an enslaved son, Ace Gilreath; and with an enslaved woman named Carlee a son named Andy. Either infraction would have been grounds for excommunication but it was not in the minutes. Ace was well-known in the community, but after Emancipation Andy moved his family far west to Arkansas.

After reviewing several Gilreath descendent DNA match family trees, and conducting my own pedigree triangulation, there is strong evidence to support that Hardy Jones Gilreath was my biological 4x great grandfather. I can not identify the enslaved woman Hardy assaulted by name, or her mulatto son. It could have been Matilda or Carlee Snow, or an enslaved woman on the Mays farm. As an enslaver and planter over 40 years he grew his slaveholding from 3 people to include 27 people in bondage according to census and slave schedules, most likely through “breeding” his enslaved. He became incredibly wealthy by 1860 with $1200 in real estate, 400 acres of land, and $35,000 in personal wealth as a farmer and local Road Commissioner.

Pedigree triangulation with Hardy Jones Gilreath’s siblings among Ancestry DNA match cousins. Source Ancestry.com

Probably before Ace and Andy, with an enslaved woman on his plantation, Hardy Jones produced a mulatto child who was very likely sold to the James Mays plantation (hence the Mays surname). Unfortunately, I do not have a complete inventory of Mays enslaved, but we can eliminate the dower slave Sampson who was inherited from Mays’ wife’s family, and Abraham whom James purchased in Charleston who became a free man of color. Given his age and position, Hardy was not the white man, an overseer, on the Mays plantation identified in the 1840 census. Had Hardy’s enslaved mother and mulatto son been sold to the Mays plantation? I have not found a record and or archive of Hardy Jones Gilreath’s letters, though the daybook from his store survives. If Hardy’s mulatto son was still on the Mays plantation in 1850, he could have been the child of either the second 50 year old man or the likely the 35 year old man indicated on the 1850 slave schedule, born about 1815. Mariah’s husband on the Mays plantation may have been either Julius or Richard. Down the road in the village of Traveler’s Rest, Hardy’s mulatto sons Ace and Andy Gilreath, may well have never known they had an older half-brother toiling away, enslaved by James Mays.

The Few, Moon, Mays, and Gilreath farms lay along the Tyger River, West of the Saluda Gap road. Mays Bridge and Few’s Bridge ford the Tiger. Milford Church is south of May’s Bridge, Jackson Grove Church is west in Traveler’s Rest. Source, Descriptive map and sketch of Greenville County, O’Neal District, by Paul B.Kyzer, 1882.

After his excommunication, one would have thought James Mays would never step foot in Milford Baptist Church again, but 20 years later he returned. After the death of his first wife Elizabeth in 1858 he asked to petition the church and was accepted. He remarried Elizabeth’s sister Ann Felicity Bouchonneau though she died just two years later in 1860, and is buried in the churchyard.

In 1857, the Greenville Enterprise reported that while Hardy Gilreath was Treasurer of the Commission on Roads and Bridges in Greenville, he paid his cousin Wesley Gilreath for repairs on Few’s Bridge, and at May’s Mills. Wesley was supplying blasting powder, iron bolts and conducting bridge repair all around Greenville. Hardy was also a Justice of the Peace and used “Esquire” in his name suggesting he secured a license to practice law. Another of Hardy Jones Gilreath’s enslaved, a man named Abe, was arrested in November 1859 for the murder of a free negro named James Greer, tried and hung in 1860 with “three thousand people” present including blacks and whites according to the Greenville Enterprise.

In December 1862 Hardy Jones sold his negro woman “Jane and her children, Mary, Catherine, and Henry” to his daughter Harriet Nancy Gilreath for a dollar out of his “love and affection.” In February 1863, he repeated the act and sold his negro girl “Jennie” to his daughter Nancy Howell. His son John H. Gilreath managed the trust for both sales, suggesting Hardy was becoming infirm at that time. I have not found a will or probate for Hardy Jones, but in 1868, his son John H. petitioned the court of Greenville to execute his estate meaning Hardy more than likely died intestate. Because he died after emancipation in 1868, his over two dozen enslaved would not have been inventoried as part of the estate regardless. Hardy’s son John purchased the interest of his brothers Hugh and William in the Gilreath homestead according to Greenville Enterprise, and Hardy’s widow remained in the family home.

In 1860, James Mays reported the death of his wife Ann Felicity Bouchonneau, again showing he maintained connections in Charleston.

Death Notice of Mrs. Ann Felicty Mays, wife of Mr. James Mays, May 27, 1860. Source The Charleston Mercury.

In the 1860 Slave Schedule, James Mays’ slave holdings had increased to 12. At that time, Mays was approximately 80 years old and his personal estate was valued at $4000, his real estate at $5000.

1860 US Federal Census, Slave Schedules, James Mays, Greenville, SC. Source, Ancestry.com.

The Mays enslaved listed by sex and age in the 1860 Slave Schedule included:

  • Female, 70
  • Male, 65
  • Male, 35
  • Male, 33
  • Male, 12
  • Male, 10
  • Female, 8
  • Male, 6
  • Male, 4
  • Male, 2
  • Female, 1
  • Female, 1 ½

What is odd about the 1860 slave schedule is that there are several children, 8 under the age of 12, but no adult women of child-bearing age on the list! Perhaps there was a mother on the farm, the youngest child being 1 year old, who passed away within at least the last year. The Mays farm would have been reeling from the loss of such a central figure, including the loss of the mistress, Ann Mays. This could be the reason James Mays took a rather drastic action a year later.

James Mays Eliza Coleman wedding announcement. Source, Charleston Courier, 1861.

In 1861, as reported in the Charleston Courier, James Mays of Milford, Greenville District was wed to Eliza Coleman of Charleston by Rev. Dill. James would have been quite the octogenarian at 80 years old. Perhaps since James Mays had no heirs, he sought to remarry quickly, out of necessity, to secure his legacy. Eliza Coleman was a “widow” herself, according to the Milford church minutes at the time of the marriage. Elizabeth Coleman-Mays was later received by the Milford Baptist Church in June 1868.

PART 3. The Mortgage of Jim

A Strange Document and New THEORY.

In genealogy research, breaking down a brickwall is often a game changer. Hardy Jones Gilreath, a contemporary and close neighbor of James Mays, was also a common ancestor, just like William Few. James Mays farmed land previously owned by Hardy’s uncle Jesse Gilreath. The Gilreath connection to the Few and Shockley family through marriage made sense given the nature of the tight-knit mountain mill community. However, one more remarkable pre-1870 record emerged to make an astonishing connection between the English American enslaver, and a black man named “Jim.” Using the new full-text experimental search tool on the genealogy website FamilySearch to explore unindexed source material from historical databases I found another, intriguing, yet perplexing document. 

To set the scene, in 1858, a young senator from Illinois named Abraham Lincoln captured the nation’s attention during debates over slavery and its expansion into western states. The same year the US Supreme Court ruled in Dred Scott v. Sanford. Their ruling? Blacks in the US, even free ones, born free or emancipated, were not American citizens. Southern planters and slaveowners started to use the slogan “King Cotton” to describe their unified power and ability to secede; to prove there was no fear from a war with the North over slavery because their wealth in slaves would sustain them, maybe even force aide from the United Kingdom or other top cotton markets. The “Bleeding Kansas” skirmishes between settlers on the Western frontier over the issue of slavery were well underway. A year later, John Brown would lead former slaves, free men of color, and white anti-slavery freedom fighters in an invasion of Virginia in Harpers Ferry.

In the 1850s, a few miles south of the enslaved community living on James Mays farm, the city of Greenville was a booming but volatile mix of a growing merchant class, and planters with slaves. The Southern Patriot published a description.

“There are in the town of Greenville 25 merchants, many of whom sell from $20 to $50,000 worth of goods in the course of a year, and on as reasonable terms as they can be purchased at retail in Charleston. We have frequently heard this remark made by our visitors from the lower country during the summer season. The cheapness of living and of house rent should enable them to do this. And there is no village in the whole State where the merchants are more thoroughly businessmen in all the branches of commerce. Our mechanics, too, constitute a numerous and most respectable class in our town, and not surpassed anywhere, in point of character, intelligence, industry, and skill. There are in this place 12 carriage makers, 12 blacksmiths, 10 carpenters, 5 brick masons, 5 cabinet makers, 8 shoemakers, 6 saddlers, 5 painters, 18 clerks, 12 tailors, 5 landlords, 10 lawyers, 5 physicians, 2 dentists, 4 or 5 harness makers, 1 baker, 2 millers, 5 schoolmasters, 1 grocer, 1 bookbinder, 1 portrait painter, 2 watchmakers, 1 druggist, etc.”

Greenville was a town on the move, growing into a powerful center of commerce fueled by mills and factories on their plentiful rivers. On January 13, 1858,  a woman named Malinda Boram provided a mortgage bond to James Mays “in the penal sum” of $600 conditioned for the payment of $300. A penal sum is to be paid as a penalty under the terms of a bond. The reason for the mortgage is not specified. Was it against a loan for cash, land, or supplies? For the “better securing of the payment” Malinda; “do bargain and sell in plain and open market to deliver unto the said James Mays a negro man named Jim.” Witnesses to the deed are O’Neal district neighbors E.A. Lloyd and W.H. Hudson. No age or other detail is given about “Jim” other than his sex.

Who the heck was Malinda Boram? I have not found a single other record about her. Examining the 1859 mortgage document closer, it occurred to me that Malinda Boram did not have a living husband. A husband would have to testify to having no claim against the slave Jim in the same mortgage. So either Malinda was born a Boram or widowed with the surname Boram because the mortgage doesn’t mention Malinda being married at all.

Mortgage, Malinda Boram and James Mays of negro slave “Jim,” January 1859. Source, FamilySearch.com.

Malinda may have married into or been a direct descendant of the Borroum family. The name is chronically misspelled across dozens of documents (Boram, Borroum, Borrum, Borem). The Borroums lived in Edgefield District and Greenville Districts from 1790 until about 1825 in Greenville, and up to 1760 in Edgefield. The pioneer settler William Borrum (1733 – 1817) of nearby Edgefield had several children; Beverly (1763 – 1847), Peterson (1773 – 1869), Higdon (d. 1807), and a daughter Sarah (Boyd). Beverly was a county judge in Greenville before migrating with most of his family to Lafayette County, Mississippi. Other family members migrated to Georgia and Alabama. Beverly also named one of his sons after his brother Peterson. His grandfather William left 7 enslaved people in his 1817 will to his sons. The will of Justice Beverly Borroum shows that he left his son Willis A.J. Borroum property and slaves, a sawmill, gristmill, stock, and farms in Greenville (though Willis had already settled in Georgia). Beverly also had a son named Peterson who also died in 1845 in Mississippi. In 1841 Willis conveyed the Greenville inheritance in full to Peterson Borroum of Edgefield (his Uncle), who lived with 17 slaves on an Edgefield plantation according to the 1840 census.

Could this “Jim,” mortgaged by Malinda Boram possibly be my great-great grandfather Jim Mays? A sum of $600 would support the value of the enslaved as a “prime hand” or a teenage boy or young man capable of carrying out the highest level of work on a plantation or mill. Jim was born about 1847 according to records (or as early as 1840 if you use the 1910 census) where he is also described as “mulatto”…the son of a white man.

Jim wasn’t listed in William Few’s will but Jim’s brother Sam was alongside his mother Mariah. If he was Mariah’s son, how had Jim come to be in the possession of one, Malinda Boram, and who was she?

I speculate that Malinda Boram may have actually been a member of William Few’s family, quite possibly his daughter, Malinda Few. Born in 1796, Malinda was old enough to have possibly been married to a Boram (Borroum) and then widowed. In 1850, Malinda Few was living, unmarried, in the Few household with her father not too far from James Mays plantation with her sisters working as a seamstress. William Few had 24 enslaved people on his plantation in 1850 according to the slave schedule. When Malinda’s father died in 1853, 22 of the 24 slaves were divvied up amongst the children, but no mention of a boy named James or Jim is in Few’s will. Malinda inherited 2 slaves and then gained 4 more when her siblings gave up their claim. In the 1860 census, Malinda, the eldest, is the head of the household as the matriarch. She managed about 200 acres (55 acres for farming), but her enslaved labor force are entirely women. According to the slave schedules she had 9 people in bondage, only 1 male infant, but no male to father the child. Very likely Malinda relied on hired enslaved hands or her siblings’ enslaved workforce to farm the land. Her sister Rachel, also a seamstress, lived with her, and Rachel’s daughter also named Malinda. Malinda would also have inherited her father’s debt and has a large estate to manage. She may have needed a loan from her neighbor James Mays, securing the debt with her most valuable asset, a male slave. Still, there’s no record yet supporting the theory that Malinda Boram is Malinda Few.

There’s also no record Malinda Boram ever paid the remaining $300 to James Mays, the owner of May’s Mills. Frustratingly, I have not found a single additional record for Malinda Boram among the record sets from court docs to censuses, but I am not without hope. The full-text search tool on FamilySearch is only available on a few databases, perhaps as more become available, the mystery will unravel.

Civil War comes to Greenville.

Almost 2 years after Malinda Boram mortgaged Jim to James Mays, the state of South Carolina voted to secede from the United States. Even though Greenville was against nullification generally and tended toward staying in the Union, fiery speeches by the new local university president Jim Furman and others demanded secession. For so long, Greenville was a sleepy summer vacation town for lowcountry residents escaping the heat, humidity, and mosquitoes of the coast. Then it became a booming center of commerce and trade. It is incredible that Greenville managed to avoid being part of any major battles during the Civil War and was only largely used by the Confederacy as a “soldier’s rest” and minor weapons depot. So the war wasn’t a great event in Greenville like it was on the coast where great blockades and naval battles took place.

During the close of the Civil War, in the Spring of 1865, the Confederate state of South Carolina, was defeated. Greenville actually avoided all the major skirmishes and was left largely intact. Yet some black men did self-liberate to join the US Colored Troops. Searching records, I found 35 black soldiers who were born in Greenville, South Carolina who enlisted from 1863 through 1865 all over the South in Florida, Tennessee, Mississippi. They were infantry, calvary, artillery and were as old as 40 and young as 17. Perhaps they were inspired by the creation of the First South Carolina Volunteer Infantry raised in 1862 by President Lincoln from largely Gullah men of the South Carolina and Georgia sea islands.

First South Carolina Volunteers Hear the Reading of the Emancipation Proclamation near Beaufort, South Carolina, January 1, 1863. Source, Library of Congress.

Greenville was occupied by the Union Army and nearby Anderson actually had US Colored Troops patrolling the streets and farms. In 1866, primary school classes began for black children and adults who wanted it. The provisional governor of South Carolina was calling for “oaths of allegiance” from the white men and traitorous rebs. Greenville had a branch of the Freedmen’s Bureau but the USCT left Greenville by September. The Freedmen’s Bureau captured contracts between the former enslaved and planters, often setting up sharecropping agreements. In 1868, Greenville elected and sent a delegation of free blacks and whites to write a new state constitution that codified the end of slavery in South Carolina, provided free public education, property rights for women, and suffrage – the vote for black men – though racial terror would continue to disenfranchise black people. In 1869, Greenville was finally chartered as a city.

James Mays is buried in Milford Baptist Cemetery in O’Neal District.
Source, image by H.G. Stone, Find-a-Grave.com.

The English American planter and miller James Mays died on Christmas Eve in 1865. He was buried in the Milford Baptist Church Cemetery. Mays left a third of “the valuation of a tract of land” to his 3rd wife Elizabeth. He bequeathed the tract of land he lived on to Rev. James K. Dickson and had Dickson pay a legacy to Elizabeth. However, two-thirds of the estate, “the residue”, was left to Dickson, an Irishman, former enslaver, and friend. In fact, after emancipation, Dickson would later himself enter into a contract with a freedman named Henry, to farm his lands in 1866 according to Freedmen Bureau records. The will of James Mays makes no mention of children, a sign that the unidentified man in the 1840 census was probably just an overseer. He left $50 to a nephew named John Chalk. He also appointed “my friends Washington Taylor and James Dickson” executors of his estate. Washington Taylor was a nearby “model farmer” who kept a lifelong journal that is now in the Furman University collection.

The widow Elizabeth Coleman Mays is not found in the 1870 Greenville census though Taylor and Dickson are. Perhaps Elizabeth remarried or went to live with her nephew’s family since James arranged to give the land to Dickson, or she returned to her family home in Charleston.

No mention is made of Mays’ enslaved people in the will probably because just months before his death they became free people of color when South Carolina fell to Union forces. The Mays estate must have been substantially smaller without the wealth of 12 slaves, though many likely stayed on as tenant farmers. I have not located a probate record. The last physical record of May’s plantation is the location of “May’s Bridge” on the Tyger, just west of Milford Church, on the 1882 Map of Greenville. Today, Mays Bridge still Road runs through Milford, across the South Tyger River in Greer.

Julius Mays, formerly enslaved by James Mays, can be found in the Freedmen’s Bureau records having adopted his enslavers’ English surname. His listed age indicates he was born about 1805. In the 1867 record the free man is listed as destitute, living on the J.K. Dickson beat, “living without any provisions.” Also in the same beat are two elders from the Few plantation (Sam, 80; Lucy, 80).

Julius Mays, age 60 living on the Dickson farm in O’Neal. Source, List of Destitute in Dickson’s Beat, Greenville District, Freedmen’s Bureau. Ancestry.com.

John Peter Shockley Sr. died on November 11th, 1869, according to the Brushy Creek Church minutes. To my disappointment, Lavina Few Shockley never appeared in the minutes, nor did her enslaved by name, like my 3x great-grandmother Mariah or her son Sam. After the war, all the enslaved members of Brushy Creek were dismissed in August 1867 in order to leave and form their own church.

No further antebellum records speak of “Jim” who was mortgaged to James Mays in 1859. Evidence in antebellum African American research is often indirect and circumstantial. The enslaved did not write family trees before 1870, and so we rely on genetic genealogy, traditional methods like the F.A.N. Club; researching friends and acquaintances of enslavers, enslaved, and free blacks – every member of the community – to qualify our assumptions. African American naming conventions also left clues as to where an enslaved person may have come from. 

My grandfather’s full name is Arthur O’Neal Mays, no doubt named for the district his people were first enslaved in. My working theory that Malinda Boram was very likely Malinda Few, a widow who lived with her Few family after the death of her Boram husband, and led the farm after her father William Few passed away – needs quite a lot of work. If true, Malinda likely knew her father’s enslaved granddaughter Mariah was her biological niece, and Mariah’s sons Jim and Oliver were still on the Few farm when Malinda mortgaged Jim against a debt with her neighbor James Mays. Mortgaging Jim to Mays would have also conveniently removed a family embarrassment from the plantation; a move that could only happen after William Few’s death. Malinda may have also known Jim’s father was already living on James Mays’ farm. Jim might have even requested the transaction himself, a not uncommon practice among enslaved people who implored their masters to be reconnected to family through purchase. His mother Mariah and brother Sam were already willed away and living in the South in Gantt.

Our heritage is the journey, not the destination.

In this journey to examine the origins of the Mays family and answer where the surname Mays came from, I have once again stumbled upon previously hidden European ancestry. I have uncovered white ancestry before. The story of my paternal 4x great grandparents Cornelius Bobo and Emma Brown of Claiborne County, Mississippi, was inextricably tied to their enslaver, my 5x great grandfather Andrew Jackson Bobo. The story of my paternal 5x great-grandmother Harriet Nevils-Riggs of Bulloch County, Georgia, revealed her half-sister Dicey was her enslaver after her white biological father made Harriet a dower gift.

The estimate of European ancestry in modern African Americans varies, but studies using genetic analysis have provided some insights. On average, African Americans have approximately 20-25% European ancestry. Due to the complex history of migration, slavery, and intermarriage in the United States, the percentages vary; numbers can fluctuate based on regional and individual differences. For example, a 2015 study in the American Journal of Human Genetics found that the average African American genome is about 73.2% African, 24% European, and 0.8% Native American. 

Sexual assault was a tool of terror, white supremacy, and a driver of economic growth for farmers who used black people for free labor generating generational wealth out of bondage. Increasing wealth through property was the American dream; the promise of liberty from both England and later the Union itself. Exceptions abound, but the systemic violence of slavery was brutal and commonplace. For example, Mary Chesnut, a white South Carolina plantation mistress, kept detailed diaries during the Civil War. Her entries frequently mentioned the sexual exploitation of enslaved women by white men. Chesnut observed the hypocrisy and abuse within the slave-owning class, noting how enslaved women were forced into sexual relationships and childbearing. In 1855, a Missouri court tried an enslaved woman named Celia for the murder of her enslaver, Robert Newsom. Newsom had repeatedly raped Celia since she was 14, and she eventually killed him, claiming self-defense. The case highlights the sexual violence and lack of agency experienced by many enslaved women. Sally Hemmings famously entered into a deal with her enslaver, the founding father and US President Thomas Jefferson. The assaults began for Sally at a young age but she found agency in her relationship with Jefferson producing increasing freedom for her family. Celia was found guilty of killing her enslaver because according to Missouri law, she wasn’t a citizen, or even a woman, just property her ‘Master’ could do with what he liked. She was hung.

In an antebellum genetic network of planters, millers, and enslavers, the enslaved community, with its slave marriages across plantations, and sale of slaves to neighbors, inheritance of slaves through dowers; an entire community of white and black people would often become genetic relatives. This is the untold secret history of American slavery being revealed through genetic genealogy today, how intertwined enslaver and enslaved truly were.

Exploring the O’Neal District and the origins of the Mays family, from Charleston to farms and plantations across the towns of Moonville, Milford, Traveler’s Rest, and Greer, I’ve recovered a tangled history with as many twists and turns as the South Tyger River itself. While I’ve found Sylvia and Mariah Few before 1870 in the record, I also learned Mariah’s father was the son of her enslaver William Few. I’ve discovered the origins of the Mays surname, exhausting the genealogical standard of proof by connecting a newly discovered white 4x great grandfather, Hardy Jones Gilreath, to an English American enslaver named James Mays who bought Gilreath land.

A genetic outline of Jim May’s father, a ghost really, may have been an enslaved son of Hardy Gilreath and later sold to James Mays. He may have been called Julius Mays, and he had two mulatto brothers Ace and Andy Gilreath. I recovered the moment when Mariah Few and her son Sam were split from their family on the Few plantation and forcibly taken from O’Neal because, as chattel property, she was passed down to William Few’s daughter Lavina after she married into the Shockley family and moved to the Gantt District to the South. I learned my 4x great-grandmother Sylvia Few had two enslavers, William Few, and his daughter Betsy Jenkins; and that she may have had another daughter, Charlotte. I also believe I’ve uncovered Jim’s first appearance on the historical record in a mortgage document between James Mays and Malinda Boram (Few), as well as his first legal act of agency in a contract between him and the Few family two years after the Civil War ended in 1867.

Three years later, as a free man, Jim Mays moved South. His mother Mariah is in the next district of Grove. In 1870, he is married and tenant farming on White Horse Road in Gantt Township. Next door are his in-laws Joseph (aged 40) and Marie Sherman (aged 49), also tenant farmers. However, by 1880, Mariah Few-Walker and her family have also moved closer to her son Jim, to Gannt Township. One Henry Mays (1835 – d. ?) perhaps another brother or cousin, lives next door.

Adding this new ancestry to my family tree will undoubtedly create new connections across the various genealogical tools like Ancestry and MyHeritage, among Black and White DNA cousins; perhaps opportunity will arise for new meetings with my newfound relations, maybe even some reconciliation. I’ve learned so much about James Mays the miller, but it feels incomplete. I’m astonished that DNA could identify an ancestor that probably lived enslaved on the Mays plantation. Even if he is nameless still, he is a bridge between Maria Few and her son Jim Mays. I anticipate more discoveries about my new Gilreath family line, especially the black Gilreath descendants. Reflecting on the fact that some of these family members have already reunited, I’m not alone in wanting to recover the story of Moonville and the truth of Jim May’s father. O’Neal District, the source of my grandfather’s name and the shared roots of the Mays, Few, and Gilreath families, has more yet to tell us.

SOURCES.

  • Thompson, Pat. “I Came By Way of Somebody.” Family history of Mays, Sherman, Ladson. 2004. 6th Edition.
  • “Citizens Of Greenville District, Petition To Amend The Laws On Usury.” South Carolina Department of Archives, accessed Apr. 2024.
  • “United States, Freedmen’s Bureau Ration Records, 1865-1872.” Database with images. FamilySearch. FamilySearch.org, accessed May 2024.
  • Milford Baptist Church. “Minutes, 1832 -1869.” Transcribed by Works Progress Administration, 1938. FamilySearch.org, accessed May 2024.
  • “Petition 21384102.”South Carolina Department of Archives and History, Columbia, South Carolina, Records of the Equity Court, Bills. Microfilm: Order #273, Reel D1269. Accessed at Digital Library on American Race and Slavery online, Sep. 2024.
  • “Charleston Daily Courier.” 2 Jul. 1842.
  • “Will of William Few Snr.” Ancestry.com, accessed May 2024. 
  • “Will of Betsy Green.” Database with images. FamilySearch. FamilySearch.org accessed Jul. 2024.
  • Charleston. Public Records 1803–1808, Enslavement Records 1803–1808
  • “Reunion Reunites Black and White.” South Carolina Methodist Advocate, 2 Oct. 2009. Accessed June 2024.
  • Turner, Lou Alice Flynn, “History of Jackson Grove United Methodist Church, 1831 – 1981.”
  • “Greenville Enterprise,” Local News, Dec. 4, 1874. Genealogybank.com accessed Jul. 2024.
  • “Charleston Daily Courier” 1861. Newspapers.com accessed Jul. 2024.
  • “The Southern Patriot” (Charleston, S.C.) 1825-1848. Newspapers.com accessed Sep. 2024.
  • “A full descriptive map and sketch of Greenville Co.” Kyzer, Paul B., 1882. Library of Congress, http://hdl.loc.gov/loc.gmd/g3913g.la000837, accessed Jul. 2024.
  • “Greenville District, South Carolina Copy 1” Mills, Robert, 1781-1855. Baltimore, F. Lucas, Jr. for Mill’s Atlas, 1825. Library of Congress, http://hdl.loc.gov/loc.gmd/g3913g.la002134 accessed Jul. 2024.
  • “A History of Racial Injustice.” Essays on People and Events in American History, database online, accessed September 2024.
  • Ancestry.com. U.S., Freedmen’s Bureau Records, 1865-1878 [database online]. Lehi, UT, USA: Ancestry.com Operations, Inc., 2021.
  • Motes, Margaret Peckham. Free Blacks and Mulattos in South Carolina 1850 Census. Baltimore, MD, USA: Genealogical Publishing Co., 2002.
  • “The Genetic Ancestry of African Americans, Latinos, and European Americans across the United States” Bryc, Katarzyna et al. The American Journal of Human Genetics, Volume 96, Issue 1, 37 – 53.

The Mays Family: One Step Closer to Home

The word “Africa” lept off the page like lightning. I jumped from my chair as if a thousand volts had snuck out of the keyboard and into my fingertips. I did the geni-happy dance around my basement den for several minutes. Then I cried, tears of joy, relief, exasperation, and pain (in genealogy, you cry a lot, and often).

On the 1870 census of Greenville, South Carolina, there next to my ancestor Alex Choice’s name were the undescribable letters A-F-R-I-C-A indicating where Alex was born, and equally remarkable, his age, 100. Homespun family genealogists hate the word impossible. African American family genealogists usually just use the word “rare” when asked if we may ever find a direct link to an ancestral nation in Africa. Sure, it’s “rare, but not impossible” to find your enslaved ancestors slaveholder, we agree, especially if you’re willing to dig into local archives and study the white slaveholders in a community as deeply you would your own ancestors. It’s “rare, but not impossible” to find a descendant’s Civil War pension from the United States Colored Troops. But this type of find can be classified as “exceedingly rare.” To find a genetic descendant who was enslaved, whose birthplace is identified in a census as “Africa” is frankly, damn near impossible.

To arrive at Alex Choice and his family is a journey that uses all the tools of genealogy – from the scrutiny of records to modern DNA-testing, as well as recognizing the fact that it takes family to find family. The journey would go through the Mays family (my mother’s father’s line), the Choice line, and the Walker line. And as we shall see it also yielded a second powerful revelation about my lineage.

Jim Mays

It begins with my maternal line, the Mays family from Greenville, South Carolina, and their relationship with another family of formerly enslaved people, the Walkers, whom they lived beside, and farmed corn, wheat, wool and cotton with, and built business and religious enterprises with from the early 1800s throughout the 1900s. The Mays family is absolutely enormous, but my eldest Mays ancestor on record is my second great-grandfather, James Mays, born in March 1847, a farmer who was previously enslaved, who died in 1910. His wife, Harriet Sherman, born in Charleston to Joseph and Mariah Sherman in 1848, outlived him and died in 1929. No picture of Jim survives, only Harriet. Jim never knew his parents, family oral history suggests and I have not identified them on any record so far.

Harriet Sherman, b. 1848. Wife of Jim Mays, from “I Came By Way of Somebody” by Patricia Mays-Thompson.

Once free, Jim Mays and his wife Harriet were tenant farmers the rest of their lives, never owning property, probably never getting out from under unfair labor contracts that kept them poor. While I can find labor contracts between other Greenville family lines, which I will write about in due time, I have not found any between Jim Mays and white farmers during Reconstruction. There are no records either of whose property he farmed, first in Gantt and later the Grove district. In 1868, Jim registered to vote and signed up for the local militia. Jim and Harriet were the parents of 11 children.  Benjamin Franklin aka Frank, John, Judge, Van Matthew, William aka Will, Lula, Hattie, Maggie, Nellie, Jessie Lee, and an unknown named child.  They had rich lives still in their community and church. They were affiliated with Mt. Pleasant Baptist Church and Flat Rock Baptist Church in Greenville. Their children, one generation out of slavery broke the cycle and gained upward mobility which I’ll detail in a later post. The 1900 census shows  Harriet was the mother of 11 children but only 10 was living. Van Matthew Mays, the fifth son, left Greenville for Cleveland, Ohio between 1910 and 1920 as part of the great migration. I am the grandson of Van’s second son Arthur O’Neal Mays and Dorothy Alberta Redd.

The 1880 US census enumerates the Mays family as:

  • Jim Mays, 30, farmer
  • Harriet (nee Sherman), 23
  • Frank, 10
  • John, 8
  • Judge, 6
  • Willie, 4
  • Lula, 1

The northernmost corner of South Carolina was for a long time an American frontier, with Native Americans, Cherokee and Catawbas, trading with some intrepid trappers and farmers along the foothills of the Appalachian mountain range. The Cherokee accepted traders like Tory explorer and farmer Richard Pearis under British rule and granted him the first 100,000 acres of Cherokee land that stretched across the Piedmont North to Virginia in the late 1700s. Families followed the wagon road and the area’s earliest white settlers set up homes along the waterways. Eventually, Lemuel J. Alston purchased a good deal of Pearis’s lands and Alston set up the plat, called Pleasantburg, that became Greenville by the early 1800s. The area was attractive to speculators and wealthy planters like Vardry McBee who purchased land from Alston. McBee was an ardent recruiter for Greenville convincing Furman University to relocate there. Meanwhile, planters who fought in the Revolutionary War, like Captain Samuel Walker and Captain Robert Cleveland, established their farms in the late 1700s. Though the majority of enslaved in the state resided around plantations on the coast and outside Charleston, enslaved from farms on Ninety-Six, Abbeville, and Edgefield were imported to the county farms. By 1800, Greenville district had 10,029 whites and 1,475 blacks, a 10-to-1 ratio and by 1870 the ratio was 2-to-1 with 15,121 whites and 7,141 blacks. The town proper population in 1870 was 2, 757, showing most lived on the surrounding farms. Black labor was small, but grew steadily as Greenville went from frontier-town to established trading post, and finally, the northern agricultural center of the state.

James Mays, family oral history says, that he was born on or near the James Moon plantation known as “Moonville” though this is currently uncorroborated. An 1882 map shows two Mays/Mayes families living along the White Horse Pike in between the Lenhardt lands and Moon farms. A. Walker and P. Walker also have nearby farms which will prove consequential later.

1882 County Map, Gantt District, Greenville, SC.

In fact, there are three white James Mays living in Greenville in about 1850 when my great-great-grandfather was born. Its unclear if Jim took the surname of a slaveholder, or a merely common name post-emancipation.

On the 1850 Slave Schedule, James B. Mays (white farmer) lists a male age of 4 on James B. Mays farm, and the 1860 Slave Schedule lists a male age of 12. This tracks with Jim’s age at the time. On the 1860 Census, Dr. James B. Mays, now age 24, lives in “Oil Camp district in Greenville, SC with his brother Samuel E. Mays whose farm is valued at $20,000, with a personal estate valued at $14,000.

In 1850, another James Mays (white) born in England in 1780 is living in Gilford, in Greenville. In 1860 his farm is worth $5000, and he has $4000 in personal wealth. Jim Mays may have come off either plantation, or neither. There is more research to be done on these slaveholding planters.

The Walker Connection

I started to investigate the Walker family of Greenville in earnest after I learned that genealogists could use the “F.A.N. Club” approach to break down brick walls in your research. Brick walls are deadends on the genealogy paper trail where the ink runs dry on the usual records and sources and an ancestor disappears from the record for any number of reasons. Could be a name-change, move, or death, etc. F.A.N. stands for “friends and neighbors” and when researching the census, we use the F.A.N. Club approach to examine the friends and neighbors of relatives, identifying and tracking them on subsequent censuses, and census records in neighboring counties, and even across the district for more relatives and their neighbors. Because enslaved and free black communities were tight-knit, interwoven by family and marriage, they often moved together in groups. In some cases, entire black communities would pull up the welcome mat and move, for opportunity or to escape violence. It’s especially helpful for ancestors with difficult to spell surnames. The Walkers, I knew were connected to my family because several early 20th-century death certificates of the Mays family referenced the Mayes & Walker Funeral home for burial services. My cousin Pat Thompson, the Mays family genealogist had discovered the clues years ago, but now the lead was mine.

I used newspaper archives and city directories to identify that John Henry Mayes and Clifford C. Walker were partners and funeral directors at Mayes & Walker, at 510 McBee Avenue in the early 1930s. John’s son James W. Mayes was also an embalmer there. John Mayes, born May 1872 and died in 1864, was my great-grandfather Van Matthew Mayes’ brother, and son of Jim and Harriet Mays. The 1930 census classified John as an “undertaker” and “owner” living in a home on Chicora St. above the funeral home (valued at $2000) with his wife “Jannie” Gamble and several children. His partner, Clifford C. Walker, born Jan 1877, was single and living at St. John St in 1930. Clifford never married and died in 1934 at age 54. No further record of Mayes & Walker suggests the business did not last much longer.

John H. Mays, b. 1872. From “I Came By Way of Somebody” by Patricia Mays-Thompson.

The Mays and Walkers were also founders of the Mt. Pleasant Church in Greenville on White Horse Pike Road. When the church reorganized in 1938, J. Walker, G. Walker, and J. Mays were carved into the new church cornerstone. Walkers and Mays both, are buried at the Mt. Pleasant cemetery behind the church and across the railroad tracks.

Mt. Pleasant Baptist Church cornerstone. Reorganized 1938.

Furthermore, Mays and Walkers intermarried. Florella Walker, born 1845 died 1947, married Samuel Mays Sr. (another probable brother or first cousin of Jim Mays) born 1843 died sometime after 1900. Clearly, the Mays and Walker families are deeply connected throughout their lives in post-emancipation Greenville right up through the 20th century. However, it is 21st-century technology that further unites these families.

A New Revelation

Last year, after taking an AncestryDNA test I identified two 4th cousins with well-developed family trees who match me, and match each other. The DNA result meant I share a common ancestor, a 3rd great grandparent with each.

I share 21 CM across 3 segments with Cousin A, and 36 CM across 4 segments with Cousin B. Ancestry only shows shared match in the same range meaning we’re all 4th cousins. It does not mean we’re all descended from the same 3rd great grandparent.

My Cousin B’s mother’s father’s line’s 2nd great-grandparent is, in fact, Samuel Mays Sr. This possibly corroborates that Sam Mays and Jim Mays are brothers, the 3rd great grandparent being the in-common “missing” ancestor for both. I believe he’s also the “S. Mayes” listed on the 1882 Greenville map above, living a stone’s throw from Alfred and Pleasant Walker.

Here’s where things get interesting… Both of these 4th cousins are Greenvillians and descendants of Walker family lines between the 6th and 7th generations. Both DNA cousins’ share 4th great-grandparents Limb Walker and Betty Walker, both born before 1815. Limb and Betty Walker are found on the 1917 death certificate of Alfred Walker Sr. born 1826 and died 1917. Alfred is a son. He is also the father of Florella Walker who married Samuel Mays Sr.

Cousin A’s 3rd great-grandparents are Alfred Walker his wife “X” and Samuel May’s father and an unidentified woman (for now). For the sake of the test, I’ve eliminated Cousin A’s other 3rd great-grandparents based on surname matching.

On Cousin B’s line, Pleasant Walker born 1825 and died 1890, is also the son of Limb Walker and Betty Walker, and married to Mariah Choice. Pleasant Walker and Mariah Choice are her 3rd great-grandparents. For the sake of the test I’ve eliminated Cousin B’s other 3rd great-grandparents based on surname matching here again.

So possible 3rd great grandparents of Cousin B (and probably Jim Mays father or mother) include, Pleasant Walker OR Mariah Choice.

Cousin A and I have only one shared match – with Cousin B. Cousin B and I, however, share many shared matches. This is tricky as DNA is lost from generation to generation…but Cousin A and I don’t share matches with other genetic relatives with Choice surnames. I do share several Choice descendant matches with Cousin B.

So here are my best guesses.

A) Either Jim is the son of Mariah Choice and Alfred Walker Sr,

Or

B) Jim is the son of an unidentified man (who is also Samuel Mays father and likely has the surname Mays) and Mariah Choice.

My own Greenville line is well-researched, but in a combined 65 years of research between myself and Pat Thompson, we’ve never identified the parents of my second great-grandfather Jim Mays, never got close, until now.

Why isn’t Jim the son of Alfred Walker’s wife “X” and Pleasant Walker? Turns out, Cousin B and I share “Choice” family DNA shared matches in common on Ancestry, but Cousin B does not with Cousin A. That puts the spotlight on Mariah Choice as his mother, at least. Why can’t Jim just be descended from Pleasant and Mariah? Because my second 4th DNA cousin is descended from Pleasant’s brother, Alfred (at least on paper).

There is more DNA research to be done and these are just theories. Triangulation will enable me to further explore, confirm or refute these theories once I get Cousin A and B to post their data to GedMatch, but I feel it in my bones that Mariah Choice is my likely 3rd great-grandmother, mother of Jim Mays, most likely with an unidentified Mays man who also fathered Samuel Mays Sr. Furthermore, Oliver Mays, born 1845 is also found living in Mariah and Pleasant’s home in 1870, another probable son or nephew. Mariah was born about 1825 but did not start having children with Pleasant until 1852, when she was 27. There was plenty of time for her to have children before that relationship, and it would have been quite common among the enslaved to be forced to increase the slaveholder’s lot. Perhaps she had Jim, Samuel, and Oliver in a quasi-relationship with a white Mays? Perhaps she had no say in the matter as was often the case during slavery.

Mariah found something, hopefully, happiness, with Pleasant Walker raising a large family. But not so Jim. He may have been given up to be raised by another family member. He may have known all along Mariah was his mother and chose not to acknowledge her or she him. If it was rape, repeated rape by a white Mays, then one can understand the unfathomably deep pain and trauma that may have caused and…the distance. Or the family oral history is wrong and he did know his Mother. One can only speculate.

Jim’s son Benjamin Franklin Mays was a very light-skinned man. In his picture, he could pass for a white man. I believe Jim’s father was white (I have no picture of Jim and his census records show him as “black”). This leads me to believe Mariah’s partner was likely white or she herself was bi-racial. I do have a 5th DNA cousin who lists an ancestor Caroline Choice “black” as the bi-racial daughter of William Choice b. 1756, the white enslaver and plantation owner who lived in Greenville. However, no other matches suggest this relationship.

Benjamin Franklin Mays, b. 1865 d. 1941, son of Jim Mays. From “I Came By Way of Somebody” by Patricia Mays-Thompson.

Mariah’s brother Jack Choice is also found living one home away, right next door to Jim Mays in 1870. This is no coincidence and continues to point to a nexus between the Mays, Walker, and Choice families.

A Father From Africa

Mariah Walker-Choice disappears from the record after 1880, probably passing away shortly after, but her parents are documented in several records. At the close of the Civil War, Mariah’s parents are “Ellick Choice + wife” on a Freedmen’s Bureau ration report in 1865, listed as “very old.” On a second ration document, they’re listed as follows, “Alech” Choice, 75 years old, “Sylvia,” 70 years old, and they “live at Lenhart’s” (living on the Lawrence Lenhardt plantation — see Map). Each received 1 corn bushel and 8 lbs of bacon from the government. Such sustenance was desperately needed in Greenville during and immediately after the war. Two harsh winters, the loss of enslaved labor for farming, and war had impoverished the Piedmont region of South Carolina. Thousands of free blacks and poor whites were starving, thousands died. The Freedmen’s Bureau literally saved millions of black and white lives post-emancipation.

A search of the 1870 census for the Walkers turned up Alex Choice still living, but widowed. His wife Sylvia had died between 1865 and 1870.

Here is the remarkable enumeration of the Walker family on the 1870 US Census that has brought me one step closer to my ancestral home:

  • Pleasant Walker, 45, personal estate, $200
  • Mariah Walker nee’ Choice, 45, keeping house
  • Washington, 18
  • Elizabeth, 16
  • Rosa, 16
  • Alfred, 14
  • Tobias, 12
  • Elizabeth, 11
  • Logan, 10
  • Francis, 9
  • Wiley, 7
  • John, 2
  • Oliver Maize (Mayes), 22, laborer (possible son of Mariah, brother to Jim)
  • Alex Choice, 100, birthplace, Africa

Alex Choice, my 4th great-grandfather, was born in Africa. Thanks to the new DNA communities added to Ancestry, I can identify which native regions are most closely associated with African Americans in the Piedmont of South Carolina. They are Cameroon, Congo and Southern Bantu regions, as well as Benin and Togo, taken together more than half of my DNA admixture.

Alex may yet be the link to Africa, but I wish to learn about his life and to identify his slaveholders. His last name, Choice, has pointed me in the direction of early Greenville founders, William Choice, and his descendants, as well as Sylvanus Walker. Both were prominent, wealthy slaveholding planters, both are well-researched, descendants of Patriots from the American Revolution. Because so many Greenvillians today have Mays and Walker roots, I look forward to searching for my ancestors among the Walker and Choice records.

**UPDATE**

Since, this post was published, Ancestry launched ThruLines, a DNA family tree tool that combines DNA evidence of Ancestry DNA tests and family tree profiles for researchers to evaluate potential theories on the relationship. Below is a visualization using Thrulines of the Choice-Walker-Mays relationship based on an analysis of the DNA relationship between myself and Cousin A and Cousin B, adding validation to my initial theory.

Sources.

  • “US Census, South Carolina, Greenville District County, 1850, 1860, 1870, and 1880, 1900, 1910, 1920, 1930.”
  • Ancestry.com, DNA Summary, and matches of Joel R. Johnson, accessed February 2019.
  • University of South Carolina. South Caroliniana Library. “Full descriptive map and sketch of Greenville Co., 1882.” Digital Copyright 2015, The University of South Carolina. Accessed February 2019. URL: https://digital.tcl.sc.edu/digital/collection/sclmaps/id/728/.
  • Huff, Archie Vernon Jr. Greenville: The history of the City and County in the South Carolina Piedmont. University of South Carolina Press, 1995.
  • “US Census, Slave Schedules, Greenville District, 1850, 1860.” Ancestry.com, accessed February 2019.
  • “Selected US Federal Non-Population Schedules, Agriculture, Gant Greenville, South Carolina, 9 June 1880.” Ancestry.com, accessed February 2019.
  • “US City Directory, Greenville, South Carolina, 1930, 1931, 1933, 1934.” Ancestry.com, accessed February 2019.
  • Mays Thompson, Patricia. I Came By Way of Somebody. Sixth Edition, 2004.